THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 

RIVERSIDE 


•:^i,/^*££^  A*£>i££^*fl8 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

ZH1  ItiTH  PRESLQZXT  OF  THK  UHETEU  STATM. 


CHICAGO 

RHODES  &  McCLURS  P0B.  00. 
1888. 


••• 


toterec  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1885,  by  tte 
RHODES  &  MOCLUEE  PUa  CO. 


Although  Col.  Ingersoll  wa8  known  for  years  as  a  brill 
iant  speaker  and  leading  lawyer,  his  extended  public 
assaults  upon  Christianity  brought  him  into  national  prom 
inence. 

While  his  anti-religious  diatribes  have  been  too  freely 
published,  his  other  speeches  have  not  been  printed  as 
much  as  they  merited.  The  present  collection  is  a  com 
plete  list  of  the  magnificent  orations  of  this  celebrated  infi 
del,  lawyer  and  politician. 

These  speeches  contain  some  of  the  finest  gems  of  oratory 
the  world  has  ever  known.  To  the  student  of  oratory, 
politics,  or  humanity,  the  following  pages  will  prove  of 
great  value.  To  the  general  reader  they  will  furnish  abun 
dant  entertainment. 

R  S.  R. 

CHICAGO,  January  1st,  1888 

m 


Abraham  Lincoln 199 

Ainsworth  B.  Spofford's  Interest-ing  Table 21 

American  Republic,  The 195 

Amusing  Remarks  about  Early  Rising 18 

At  His  Brother's  Grave 65 

B 

Bay  of  the  Blood-hound 198 

Best  Country  for  the  Poor 837 

Best  of  this  Earth 7 

Best  People,  The 124 

Beware  of  Bachelors 259 

Bonds  and  Greenbacks 200 

Bondholders 249 

Business  and  the  Money  Question 7 

Buying  a  Family  Horse 117 

C 

Candidates,  The  (1880) 129 

Candidates  of  the  Two  Parties 163 

Centralization 126 

Chalmers,  Mr 116 

Charity  of  Extravagance 251 

Colored  Race,  The 84 

Contraction 286 

Contrast  between  the  Farmer  and  Mechanic 8 

Contrast  between  the  Farmer  and  Professional  Man 10 

Crash  of  1873,  The 241 

Creditor  Class 284 

D 

Democratic  Blundering 274 

Democratic  Charges 130 

Democratic  Meanness .. 216 


CONTENTS. 

Democratic  Party,  The 76,  114 

Democratic  Record,  The 269 

Democratic  Stupidity , 79 

Democratic  Usefulness  Obsolete 8® 

Democracy  the  Greatest  Luxury 281 

Desperate  Resorts  of  the  Democrats 185 

Dream,  A 45 

Doctrine  of  State-Rights,  The 181 

E 

Edncation  by  Nature 50 

Educated  Farmer,  The 10 

Epitaph,  An 201 

Equal  Opportunities  for  All 336 

Everbody  Has  a  Chance  in  the  United  States 306 

Every  Man  who  Advocated  Secession  was  a  Democrat 271 

Extract  from  Democratic  Pedigree,  An 261 

F 

Fallacy  and  Folly  of  Fiat  Dollars 148 

Farmers  Should  Live  in  Villages 12 

Fashions  and  Handsome  Women 14 

Ferryman,  The 128 

Fiat  Money r 229,  243 

Financial  Crash  of  1873 228 

Financial  Honor 293 

Free  Ballot-box,  A 277 

Freedom  and  Progress 217 

Free  Speech 276 

Fugitive  Law  of  1850,  The 196 

Funeral  Oration  at  His  Brother's  Grave 65 

Future  of  America 63 

Q 

Garfield 186,304 

Gen.  Hancock 299 

Good  Money 234 

Government  a  Pauper,  The 245 

Government  Taxes 230 

Grease  Story,  A 122 

Greenbacks 89,92.287,288 


CONTENTS. 

H 

H'Uf-bushels  and  Yardsticks 289 

Bappy  Home,  The 23 

Hard  Money 211 

Hard  Times 90,286 

Hayea,  Rutherford  B 96,262 

Hayes  and  Wheeler 108,215 

Home  va.  the  Boarding- House 14 

Honest  Money 146,284,287 

How  a  Man  Should  Treat  His  Wife, 21 

How  to  Vote 807 

How  Wealth  is  Accumulated 236 

I 

Illinois 20 

Industry  and  Brotherhood 15 

In  Favor  of  Protection. 182 

Inflation  and  Contraction 248 

Ingersoll's  Beautiful  Dream 45 

Ingersoll's  Big  Horse  Race 43,  104 

Ingersoll's  Early  Experience  in  Farming 8 

Ingersoll's  Eloquent  Vision 34 

Ingereoll's  Ideal  Farmer 6 

Ingersoll  on  American  Nationality 335 

Ingersoll  on  Cookery 22 

Ingersoll  not  Preaching  a  Gospel  of  Hate 172 

Ingersoll's  Plea  for  Honest  Money 227 

Intelligence  not  a  Doctrine  of  Hatred 294 

L 

Labor-Saving  Machines 252 

Legislation  Growing  out  of  War 303 

Let  the  Black  People  Rule 281 

Let  the  Money  Fade  Out 248 

Liberty  or  Death..... 58 

M 

Manly  Voting 267 

Marvelous  City  of  Pluck,  The 109 

Merchants  and  Drummers 240 

Methodist  Ministers' Collection,  The 118,146 


CONTENTS. 

Money 89,119,248,290,292 

More  Solid  Shot 86 

Morey-  Letter,  The 171 

Mud-Throwing 170 

N 

Nation,  A 56,  153 

National  Protection 296 

Negro  or  White  Superiority 102 

No  Free  Speech  in  the  South 138 

No  Oppression  of  Labor  in  the  United  States 237 

Note  to  Chicago  Speech 110 

O 

Old  Corpse  of  Democracy,  The 107 

Old  Life- Insurance  Associations 239 

Oration  at  a  Child's  Grave , 220 

Our  Country 113 

P 
Paper  not  Money 291 

Parties  Compared,  The  Two 194 

Party  of  an  Honest  Ballot 142 

Party  that  Needs  a  "  Change  " 178 

Payment  of  Southern  Claims 301 

Perils  of  the  Republic 338 

Period  of  Inflation 238 

Plain  Truths  for  the  Democrats 263 

Playing  Poker 148 

Political  Tramp,  A 78 

Poor  Have  a  Chance,  The 254 

Protecting  American  Labor 158 

Protecting  Northern  Men  in  the  South 41 

Protection  of  Citizens 212 

E 

Reasons  why  the  Colonel  is  not  a  Democrat 27 

Repudiation 120,  286,  340 

Republican  Families 337 

Republican  Party,  The 51,  98,  123,  168,  205,  258,  273 

Responsibility  for  the  Hard  Times 262 

Retrospective  View  of  Farming 8 


CONTENTS. 

Revelation  and  Revolution 48 

Revenue 118 

Revenue  Collectors  Killed  and  Wounded 119,  145 

Running  in  debt 90 

8 

Shot  Down  for  Opinion's  Sake 213 

Solid  Comfort 25 

Solid  South.  The 275 

"  Sons  of  Liberty  " 202 

Source  of  the  Free-Trade  Doctrine 160 

South  and  Tissue-Ballots  and  Shotguns,  The 280 

Southern  Church,  The 124 

Specie  Payments 282 

Splendid  Democrats 129 

Standing  by  the  Republican  Party 106 

State  Rights 81,  299 

State  Sovereignty 154,  295 

Statue  of  Liberty 100 

Struggle  after  the  Panic,  The 152 

Sufferings  of  the  Slaves 85 

SPEECHES  (In  full): 

At  a  Child's  Grave 220 

At  Banquet  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee 72 

At  Boston,  Mass.,  Oct.  21,  1878 235 

At  Chicago,  Oct.  21,  1876 76 

Athis  Brother's  Grave 65 

At  Lewiston,  Me.,  Sept.  10, 1880 112 

AtRockford,  111.,  Sept  28,  1880 266 

Nominating  Mr.  Blaine  for  President 68 

On  the  Declaration  of  Independence 47 

To  the  Farmers  on  Farming I   3 

To  the  Veteran  Soldiers  at  Indianapolis 27 

SPEECHES  (Extracts): 

Star-  Route  Trial 314,  328 

At  Augusta,  Me.,  Sept.  2,  1876 224 

At  Gloucester,  Mass.,  Aug.  12,  1880 835 

At  Lewiston,  Me.,  Aug.  21,  1876 258 

AtMalone,  N.  Y.,  Oct.  4,  1878 227 

At  Newark,  N.  J.,  Oct.  21,  188C 310 

At  New  York,  Sept.  11, 1876 194 

At  New  York,  Oct.  23,1880 188 

At  New  York,  Oct  28,  1880....  .  ITS 


CONTENTS. 

Telegram  from  Elaine 194,  20? 

Tewksbury  Illustration,  The , 127 

Tilden...'. 94,  95,208,  214 

Thirty-three  Dozen  Eggs  for  $1 16 

The  Past  Rises  before  Me  like  a  Dream 84 

Three  Important  Questions  Answered 38 

Tramps 254 

V 

Voting  with  Rebels... 306 

W 

Way  Out,  The 250 

What  a  Dollar  Can  Do 20 

What  is  a  Capitalist  ? 236 

What  the  Railroads  Have  Done 16 

What  We  Want  To-day 61 

What  Would  Follow  Hancock's  Election 188 

Who  Shall  Collect  Revenue  ? 144 

Why  the  Colonel  is  a  Republican 29 

Why  the  Colonel  is  not  a  Democrat 27 


President  Lincoln Frontispiece. 

Col.  Ingersoll Title-page. 

Niobe 65 

Hon.  James  G.  Elaine 71 

Union  Arms 72 

Union  Flag 73 

Capitol  at  Washington 75 

The  Old  Mill Ill 

The  Rustic  Bridge 131 

U.  S.  Grant 132 

Garfield 169 

The  Windmill .". 173 

A  Pair  in  a  Boat. 174 

Scene  in  Holland 192 

Sunset 193 

Beside  the  Moonlit  Sea 218 

National  Lincoln  Monument 219 

The  Brook 222 

Mirror  Lake 223 

Stone  Bridges 225 

ViewH  in  Union  Park,  Chicago 226 

In  Harbor 233 

The  Skylark 234 

Peace 256 

The  Crib  of  the  Chicago  Water  Works 257 

Two  of  aKind 264 

"  Far  from  the  Madding  Crowd  " : 265 

Old  Fort  Dearborn,  Chic?^o 308 

"Haunts  of  Coot  and  Hern  " 309 

Chicago  Resurgam 312 

L' Avenue  dea  Palmes 813 

Old  Chicago  Court-House 827 

Bj  Wood  and  Lake 834 


COL.INGERSOLL'5 


TO  THE  FARMERS  ON  FARMING. 

INGERSOLL'S  EARLY  EXPERIENCE  WHEN  HE  WAS  A  FARMEB— 
A  RETROSPECTIVE  VIEW. 

[from  the  Illinois  State  Register^ 

LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN: — I  am  not  an  old  and  expe 
rienced  farmer,  nor  a  tiller  of  the  soil,  nor  one  of  the  hard- 
handed  sons  of  labor.  I  imagine,  however,  that  I  know 
something  about  cultivating  the  soil,  and  getting  happiness 
out  of  the  ground. 

I  know  enough  to  know  that  agriculture  is  the  basis  of 
all  wealth,  prosperity  and  luxury.  I  know  that  in  the 
country  where  the  tillers  of  the  fields  are  free,  everybody 
is  free  and  ought  to  be  prosperous. 

The  old  way  of  farming  was  a  great  mistake.  Every 
thing  was  done  the  wrong  way.  It  was  all  work  and  waste, 
weariness  and  want.  They  used  to  fence  a  hundred  and 
sixty  acres  of  land  with  a  couple  of  dogs.  Everything  was 
left  to  the  protection  of  the  blessed  trinity  of  chance,  acci 
dent  and  mistake. 

When  I  was  a  farmer  they  used  to  haul  wheat  two  hun- 


4  COL.    INGERSOLLS 

dred  wiles  in  wagons  and  sell  it  for  thirty-five  cents  a 
bushel.  They  would  bring  home  about  three  hundred  feet 
of  lumber,  two  bunches  of  shingles,  a  barrel  of  salt,  and  a 
cook-stove  that  never  would  draw  and  never  did  bake. 

In  those  blessed  days  the  people  lived  on  corn  and  bacon. 
Cooking  was  an  unknown  art.  Eating  was  a  necessity,  not 
a  pleasure.  It  was  hard  work  for  the  cook  to  keep  on  good 
terms  even  with  hunger. 

We  had  poor  houses.  The  rain  held  the  roofs  in  perfect 
contempt,  and  the  snow  drifted  joyfully  on  the  floors  and 
beds.  They  had  no  barns.  The  horses  were  kept  in  rail 
pens  surrounded  with  straw.  Long  before  spring  the  sides 
would  be  eaten  away  and  nothing  but  roofs  would  be  left. 
Food  is  fuel.  "When  the  cattle  were  exposed  to  all  the 
blasts  of  winter,  it  took  all  the  corn  and  oats  that  could  be 
stuffed  into  them  to  prevent  actual  starvation. 

In  those  times  farmers  thought  the  best  place  for  the  pig 
pen  was  immediately  in  front  of  the  house.  There  is  noth 
ing  like  sociability. 

Women  were  supposed  to  know  the  art  of  making  fires 
without  fuel.  The  wood-pile  consisted,  as  a  general  thing, 
of  one  log,  upon  which  an  axe  or  two  had  been  worn  out 
in  vain.  There  was  nothing  to  kindle  a  fire  with.  Pickets 
were  pulled  from  the  garden  fence,  clap-boards  taken  from 
the  house,  and  every  stray  plank  was  seized  upon  for  kind 
ling.  Everything  was  done  in  the  hardest  way.  Every 
thing  about  the  farm  was  disagreeable.  Nothing  was  kept 
in  order.  Nothing  was  preserved.  The  wagons  stood  in 
the  sun  and  rain,  and  the  plows  rusted  in  the  fields.  There 
was  no  leisure,  no  feeling  that  the  work  was  done.  It  was 
all  labor  and  weariness  and  vexation  of  spirit.  The  crops 
were  destroyed  by  wandering  herds,  or  they  were  put  in 
too  late,  or  too  early,  or  they  were  blown  down,  or  caught 
by  the  frost,  or  devoured  by  bugs,  or  stung  by  fiies,  or 


GREAT   SPEECHES.  5 

eaten  by  worms,  or  carried  away  by  birds,  or  dug  up  by 
gophers,  or  washed  away  by  floods,  or  dried  up  by  the  sun, 
or  rotted  in  the  stack,  or  heated  in  the  crib,  or  they  all  run 
to  vines,  or  tops,  or  straw,  or  smut,  or  cobs.  And  when 
in  spite  of  all  these  accidents  that  lie  in  wait  between  the 
plow  and  the  reaper,  they  did  succeed  in  raising  a  good 
crop  and  a  high  price  was  offered,  then  the  roads  would  be 
impassible.  And  when  the  roads  got  good,  then  the  prices 
went  down.  Everything  worked  together  for  evil. 

Nearly  every  farmer's  boy  took  an  oath  that  he  wotild 
never  cultivate  the  soil.  The  moment  they  arrived  at  the 
age  of  twenty-one  they  left  the  desolate  and  dreary  farms 
and  rushed  to  the  towns  and  cities.  They  wanted  to  be 
book-keepers,  doctors,  merchants,  railroad  men,  insurance 
agents,  lawyers,  even  preachers,  anything  to  avoid  the 
drudgery  of  the  fartn.  Nearly  every  boy  acquainted  with 
the  three  R's — reading,  writing  and  arithmetic — imagined 
that  he  had  altogether  more  education  than  ought  to  be 
wasted  in  raising  potatoes  and  corn.  They  made  haste  to 
get  into  some  other  business.  Those  who  stayed  upon  the 
farm  envied  those  who  went  away. 

A  few  years  ago  the  times  were  prosperous,  and  the  young 
men  went  to  the  cities  to  enjoy  the  fortunes  that  were 
waiting  for  them.  They  wanted  to  engage  in  something 
that  promised  quick  returns.  They  built  railways,  estab 
lished  banks  and  insurance  companies.  They  speculated 
in  stocks  in  Wall  street,  and  gambled  in  grain  at  Chicago. 
They  became  rich.  They  lived  in  palaces.  They  rode  in 
carriages.  They  pitied  their  poor  brothers  on  the  farms, 
and  the  poor  brothers  envied  them. 

But  time  has  brought  its  revenge.  The  farmers  have 
seen  the  railroad  president  a  bankrupt,  and  the  road  in  the 
hands  of  a  receiver.  They  have  seen  the  bank  president 
abscond,  and  the  insurance  company  a  wrecked  and  ruined 


6  COL.    INGERSOLLS 

fraud.    The  only  solvent  people,  as  a  class,  the  only  inde 
pendent  people,  are  the  tillers  of  the  soil. 

OOL.  INGERSOLL'S  IDEAL  FARMER. 

Farming  must  be  made  more  attractive.  The  comforts 
of  the  town  must  be  added  to  the  beauty  of  the  fields.  The 
sociability  of  the  city  must  be  rendered  possible  in  the 
country. 

Farming  has  been  made  repulsive.  The  farmers  have 
been  unsociable,  and  their  homes  have  been  lonely.  They 
have  been  wasteful  and  careless.  They  have  not  been 
proud  of  their  business. 

No  farmer  can  afford  to  raise  corn  and  oats  and  hay  to 
sell.  He  should  sell  horses,  not  oats;  sheep,  cattle  and 
pork,  not  corn.  He  should  make  every  profit  possible  out 
of  what  he  produces.  So  long  as  the  farmers  of  the  Middle 
States  ship  their  corn  and  oats,  so  long  they  will  be  poor, — 
just  so  long  will  their  farms  be  mortgaged  to  the  insurance 
companies  and  banks  of  the  east, — just  so  long  will  they  do 
the  work,  and  others  reap  the  benefit, — just  so  long  will 
they  be  poor,  and  the  money  lenders  grow  rich, — just  so 
long  will  cunning  avarice  grasp  and  hold  the  net  profits  of 
honest  toil.  When  the  farmers  of  the  west  ship  beef  and 
pork  instead  of  grain, — when  we  manufacture  here, — when 
we  cease  paying  tribute  to  others,  •  ours  will  be  the  most 
prosperous  country  in  the  world. 

Another  thing — It  is  just  as  cheap  to  raise  a  good  as  a 
poor  breed  of  cattle.  Scrubs  will  eat  just  as  much  as 
thoroughbreds.  If  you  are  not  able  to  buy  Durhams  and 
Alderneys,  you  can  raise  the  corn-breed.  By  "  corn-breed  " 
I  mean  the  cattle  that  have  for  several  generations  had 
enough  to  eat,  and  have  been  treated  with  kindness.  Every 
farmer  who  will  treat  his  cattle  kindly,  and  feed  them  all 
they  want,  will,  in  a  few  years,  have  blooded  stock  on  hie 


GREAT   SPEECHES.  7 

farm.  All  blooded  stock  has  been  produced  in  this  way. 
You  can  raise  good  cattle  just  as  you  can  raise  good  people. 
If  you  wish  to  raise  a  good  boy  you  must  give  him  plenty 
to  eat,  and  treat  him  with  kindness.  In  this  way,  and  in 
this  way  only,  can  good  cattle  or  good  people  be  produced. 

Another  thing — You  must  beautify  your  homes. 

When  I  was  a  farmer  it  was  not  fashionable  to  set  out 
trees,  nor  to  plant  vines. 

When  you  visited  the  farm  you  were  not  welcomed  by 
flowers,  and  greeted  by  trees  loaded  with  fruit.  Yellow 
dogs  came  bounding  over  the  tumbled  fence  like  wild  beasts. 
There  is  no  sense — there  is  no  profit  in  such  a  life.  It  is 
not  living.  The  farmers  ought  to  beautify  their  homes. 
There  should  be  trees  and  grass,  and  flowers  and  running 
vines.  Everything  should  be  kept  in  order ;  gates  should 
be  kept  on  their  hinges,  and  about  all  there  should  be  the 
pleasant  air  of  thrift.  In  every  house  there  should  be  a 
bath-room.  The  bath  is  a  civilizer,  a  refiner,  a  beautifier. 
When  you  come  from  the  fields  tired,  covered  with  dust, 
nothing  is  so  refreshing.  Above  all  things,  keep  clean.  It 
is  not  necessary  to  be  a  pig  in  order  to  raise  one.  In  the 
cool  of  the  evening,  after  a  day  in  the  field,  put  on  clean 
clothes,  take  a  seat  under  the  trees,  'mid  the  perfume  of 
flowers,  surrounded  by  your  family,  and  you  will  know 
what  it  is  to  enjoy  life  like  a  gentleman. 

WHAT    THE    COLONEL    BELIEVES   TO   BE   THE   BEST  PORTION  O>F 
THE   EAKTH. 

In  no  part  of  the  globe  will  farming  pay  better  than  in 
the  Western  States.  You  are  in  the  best  portion  of  the 
earth.  From  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  there  is  no  such 
eountry  as  yours.  The  east  is  hard  and  stony  ;  the  soil  is 
stingy.  The  far  west  is  a  desert  parched  and  barren,  dreary 
and  desolate  as  perdition  would  be  with  the  fires  out.  It 


8  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

is  better  to  dig  wheat  and  corn  from  the  soil  than  gold. 
Only  a  few  days  ago  I  was  where  they  wrench  the  precious 
metals  from  the  miserly  clutch  of  the  rocks.  When  I  saw 
the  mountains,  treeless,  shrubless,  flowerless,  without  even 
a  spire  of  grass,  it  seemed  to  me  that  gold  had  the  same 
effect  upon  the  country  that  holds  it,  as  upon  the  man  who 
lives  and  labors  only  for  that.  It  affects  the  land  as  it  does 
the  man.  It  leaves  the  heart  barren  without  a  flower  of 
kindness — without  a  blossom  of  pity. 

The  farmer  in  the  Middle  States  has  the  best  soil — the 
greatest  return  for  the  least  labor — more  leisure — more 
time  for  enjoyment  than  any  other  farmer  in  the  world. 
His  hard  work  ceases  with  autumn.  He  has  the  long  win 
ters  in  which  to  become  acquainted  with  his  family — with 
his  neighbors — in  which  to  read  and  keep  abreast  with  the 
advanced  thought  of  his  day.  He  has  the  time  and  means 
of  self-culture.  He  has  more  time  than  the  mechanic,  the 
merchant  or  the  professional  man.  If  the  farmer  is  not 
well  informed  it  is  his  own  fault.  Books  are  cheap,  and 
every  farmer  can  have  enough  to  give  him  the  outline  of 
every  science,  and  an  idea  of  all  that  has  been  accomplished 
by  man. 

THE  FAEMEB  AND  THE  MECHANIC — WHICH  THE  COLONEL  THINKS 
HAS  THE  BEST  OF  IT. 

In  many  respects  the  farmer  has  the  advantage  of  the 
mechanic.  In  our  time  we  have  plenty  of  mechanics  but 
no  tradesmen.  In  the  sub-division  of  labor  we  have  a 
thousand  men  working  upon  different  parts  of  the  same 
thing,  each  taught  in  one  particular  branch,  and  in .  only 
one.  We  have,  say,  in  a  shoe-factory,  hundreds  of  mea, 
but  not  a  shoemaker.  It  takes  them  all,  assisted  by  a  great 
number  of  machines,  to  make  a  shoe.  Each  does  a  par- 
Ocular  part,  and  not  on«  of  them  knows  the  entire  trade. 


GREAT    SPEECHES.  9 

The  i-esult  is  that  the  moment  the  factory  shuts  down  these 
men  are  out  of  employment.  Out  of  employment  means 
out  of  bread — out  of  bread  means  famine  and  horror.  The 
mechanic  of  to-day  has  but  little  independence.  His  pros 
perity  often  depends  upon  the  good-will  of  one  man.  He 
is  liable  to  be  discharged  for  a  look,  for  a  word.  He  lays 
by  but  little  for  his  declining  years.  He  is,  at  the  best,  the 
slave  of  capital. 

It  is  a  thousand  times  better  to  be  a  whole  farmer  than 
part  of  a  mechanic.  It  is  better  to  till  the  ground  and 
work  for  yourself  than  to  be  hired  by  corporations.  Every 
man  should  endeavor  to  belong  to  himself. 

About  seven  hundred  years  ago,  Kheyam,  a  Persian, 
said  :  "Why  should  a  man  who  possesses  a  piece  of  bread 
securing  life  for  two  days,  and  who  has  a  cup  of  water — 
why  should  such  a  man  serve  another?" 

Young  men  should  not  be  satisfied  with  a  salary.  Do 
not  mortgage  the  possibilities  of  your  future.  Have  the 
courage  to  take  life  as  it  comes,  feast  or  famine.  Think  of 
hunting  a  gold  mine  for  a  dollar  a  day,  and  think  of  finding 
one  for  another  man.  How  would  you  feel  then  ? 

We  are  lacking  in  true  courage,  when,  for  fear  of  the 
future,  we  take  the  crusts  and  scraps  and  niggardly  salaries 
of  the  present.  I  had.  a  thousand  times  rather  have  a  farm 
and  be  independent,  than  to  be  President  of  the  United 
States  without  independence,  filled  with  doubt  and  trem 
bling,  feeling  of  the  popular  pulse,  resorting  to  art  and 
artifice,  inquiring  about  the  wind  of  opinion,  and  succeed 
ing  at  last  in  losing  my  self-respect  without  gaining  the  re 
spect  of  others. 

Man  needs  more  manliness,  more  real  independence.  We 
must  take  care  of  ourselves.  This  we  can  do  by  labor,  and 
in  this  way  we  can  preserve  our  independence.  We  should 
try  and  choose  that  business  or  profession  the  pursuit  of 


IO  COL.    INGERSOLLS 

which  will  give  us  the  most  happiness.  Happiness  is  wealth. 
We  can  be  happy  without  being  rich — without  holding 
office — without  being  famous.  I  am  not  sure  that  we  can 
be  happy  with  wealth,  with  office,  or  with  fame. 

THE   FARMER   AND   THS    PROFESSIONAL   MAN — THE   RACE 
OF   LIFE. 

There  is  a  quiet  about  the  life  of  a  farmer,  and  the  hope 
of  a  serene  old  age,  that  no  other  business  or  profession  can 
promise.  A : professional  man  is  doomed  some  time  to  feel 
that  his  powers  are  waning.  He  is  doomed  to  see  younger 
and  stronger  men  pass  him  in  the  race  of  life.  He  looks 
forward  to  an  old  age  of  intellectual  mediocrity.  He  will 
be  last  where  once  he  was  the  first.  But  the  farmer  goes, 
as  it  were,  into  partnership  with  nature — he  lives  with  tree?* 
and  flowers — he  breathes  the  sweet  air  of  the  fields.  There 
is  no  constant  and  frightful  strain  upon  his  mind.  Hie 
nights  are  filled  with  sleep  and  rest.  He  watches  his  flocks 
and  herds  as  they  feed  upon  the  green  and  sunny  slopes. 
He  hears  the  pleasant  rain  falling  upon  the  waving  corn, 
and  the  trees  he  planted  in  youth  rustle  above  him  as  he 
plants  others  for  the  children  yet  to  be. 

Our  country  is  filled  with  tho  idle  and  unemployed,  and 
the  great  question  asking  for  an  answer  is :  What  shall  be 
done  with  these  men?  What  shall  these  men  do?  To 
this  there  is  but  one  answer :  They  must  cultivate  the  soil. 

COL.  INGERSOLL'S  IDEA  OF  AN  EDUCATED  FARMER. 

Farming  must  be  more  attractive.  Those  who  work  the 
land  must  have  an  honest  pride  in  their  business.  They 
must  educate  their  children  to  cultivate  the  soil.  They 
must  make  farming  easier,  so  that  their  children  will  not 
hake  it  themselves.  The  boys  must  not  be  taught  that 


GREAT   SPEECHES.  I  I 

Idling  the  soil  is  a  curse  and  almost  a  disgrace.  They 
must  not  suppose  that  education  is  thrown  away  upon  them 
unless  they  become  ministers,  lawyers,  doctors  or  states 
men.  It  must  be  understood  that  education  can  be  used 
to  advantage  on  a  farm.  We  mast  get  rid  of  the  idea  that 
a  little  learning  unfits  one  for  work.  There  are  hundreds 
of  graduates  of  Yale  and  Harvard  and  other  colleges,  who 
are  agents  of  sewing  machines,  solicitors  for  insurance, 
clerks,  copyists,  in  short,  performing  a  hundred  varieties  of 
menial  service.  They  seem  willing  to  do  anything  that  is 
not  regarded  as  work — anything  that  can  be  done  in  a  town, 
in  the  house,  in  an  ofdce,  but  they  avoid  farming  as  they 
would  a  leprosy.  Nearly  every  young  man  educated  in 
this  way  is  simply  ruined.  Such  an  education  ought  to  be 
called  ignorance.  It  is  a  thousand  times  better  to  have 
common-senee  without  education,  than  education  without 
the  sense.  Boys  and  girls  should  be  educated  to  help 
themselves.  They  should  be  taught  that  it  is  disgraceful 
to  be  idle,  and  dishonorable  to  be  useless. 

I  say  again,  if  you  want  more  men  and  women  on  the 
farms,  something  must  be  done  to  make  farm-life  pleasant. 
One  great  difficulty  is  that  the  farm  is  lonely.  People 
write  about  the  pleasures  of  solitude,  but  they  are  found 
only  in  books.  He  who  lives  long  alone  becomes  insane. 
A  hermit  is  a  mad  man.  Without  friends  and  wife  and 
child,  there  is  nothing  left  worth  living  for.  The  unsocial 
are  the  enemies  of  joy.  They  are  filled  with  egotism  and 
envy,  with  vanity  and  hatredi  People  who  live  much 
alone  become  narrow  and  suspicious.  They  are  apt  to  be 
the  property  of  one  idea.  They  begin  to  think  there  is  no 
u*e  in  anything.  They  look  upon  the  happiness  of  others 
as  a  kind  of  folly.  They  hate  joyous  folks,  because,  way 
down  in  their  hearts,  they  envy  them. 


12  COL.    INGERSOLLS 

SHOULD    LIVE   IN   VILLAGES. 

In  our  country  farm-life  is  too  lonely.  The  farms  are 
large,  and  neighbors  are  too  far  apart.  In  these  days,  when 
the  roads  are  filled  with  "tramps,"  the  wives  and  children 
need  protection.  When  the  farmer  leaves  home  and  goes 
to  some  distant  field  to  work,  a  shadow  of  fear  is  upon  his 
heart  all  day,  and  a  like  shadow  rests  upon  all  at  home. 

In  the  early  settlement  of  our  country  the  pioneer  was 
forced  to  take  his  family,  his  axe,  his  dog  and  his  gun,  and 
go  into  the  far  wild  forest,  and  build  his  cabin  miles  and 
miles  from  any  neighbor.  He  saw  the  smoke  from  his 
hearth  go  up  alone  in  all  the  wide  and  lonely  sky. 

But  this  necessity  has  passed  away,  and  now,  instead  (A 

living  so  far  apart  upon  the  lonely  farms,  you  should  live 

in  villages.     With  the  improved  machinery  which  you  have 

— with  your  generous  soil — with  your  markets  and  means 

of  transportation,  you  can  now  afford  to  live  together. 

You  should  live  in  villages,  so  that  you  can  have  the 
benefits  of  sociaj  life.  You  can  have  a  reading-room — you 
can  take  the  best  papers  and  magazines — you  can  have 
plenty  of  books,  and  each  one  can  have  the  benefit  of  them 
all.  Some  of  the  young  men  and  women  can  cultivate 
music.  You  can  have  social  gatherings — you  can  learo 
from  each  other — you  can  discuss  all  topic?  of  interest,  and 
in  this  way  you  can  make  farming  a  delightful  business. 
You  must  keep  up  with  the  age.  The  way  to  make  farming 
respectable  is  for  farmers  to  become  really  intelligent. 
They  must  live  intelligent  and  happy  lives.  They  must 
not  be  satisfied  with  knowing  something  of  the  affairs  of  a 
neighborhood  and  nothing  about  the  re?t  of  the  earth.  The 
business  must  be  made  attractive,  and  it  never  can  be 
until  the  farmer  has  prosperity,  intelligence  and  leisure. 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  13 

THE  COLONEL'S  AMUSING  REMARKS  ABOUT  GETTING  UP  EARLY 
IN  THE  MORNING. 

It  is  not  necessary  in  this  age  of  the  world  for  the  farmer 
to  rise  in  the  middle  of  the  night  and  begin  his  work. 
This  getting  up  so  early  in  the  morning  is  a  relic  of  bar 
barism.  It  has  made  hundreds  of  thousands  of  young  men 
curse  the  business.  There  is  no  need  of  getting  up  at 
three  or  four  o'clock  in  the  winter  morning.  The  farmer 
who  persists  in  dragging  his  wife  and  children  from  their 
beds  ought  to  be  visited  by  a  missionary.  It  is  time  enough 
to  rise  after  the  sun  has  set  the  example.  For  what  pur 
pose  do  you  get  up  ?  To  feed  the  cattle  ?  Why  not  feed 
them  more  the  night  before  ?  It  is  a  waste  of  life.  In  the 
old  times  they  used  to  get  up  about  three  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  and  go  to  work  long  before  the  sun  had  risen  with 
"healing  upon  his  wings,"  and  as  a  just  punishment  they 
all  had  the  ague ;  and  they  ought  to  have  it  now.  The 
man  who  cannot  get  a  living  upon  Illinois  soil  without 
rising  before  daylight  ought  to  starve.  Eight  hours  a  day 
is  enough  for  any  farmer  to  work  except  in  harvest  time. 
When  you  rise  at  four  and  work  till  dark  what  is  life  worth  ? 
Of  what  use  are  all  the  improvements  in  farming?  Of 
what  use  is  all  the  improved  machinery  unless  it  tends  to 
give  the  farmer  a  little  more  leisure  ?  What  is  harvesting 
now,  compared  with  what  is  was  in  the  old  time  ?  Think 
of  the  days  of  reaping,  of  cradling,  of  raking  and  binding 
and  mowing.  Think  of  threshing  with  the  flail  and  win 
nowing  with  the  wind.  And  now  think  of  the  reapers  and' 
mowers,  the  binders  and  threshing  machines,  the  plows  and 
cultivators,  upon  which  the  farmer  rides  protected  from  the 
sun.  If,  with  all  these  advantages,  you  cannot  get  a  living 
without  rising  in  the  middle  of  the  night,  go  into  some 
*tfeer  business.  You  should  not  rob  your  families  of  sleep. 


14  COL.  INGERSOLLS 

Sleep  is  the  best  medicine  in  the  world.  There  is  no  such 
thing  as  health  without  plenty  of  sleep.  Sleep  until  you 
are  thoroughly  rested  and  restored.  When  you  work, 
work ;  and  when  you  get  through  take  a  good,  long  and 
refreshing  sleep. 

THE  FASHIONS   AMD  HANDSOME   WOMEN. 

Another  thing — I  am  a  believer  in  fashion.  It  is  the 
duty  cf  every  woman  to  make  herself  as  beautiful  and 
attractive  as  she  possibly  can. 

"Handsome  is  as  handsome  does,"  but  she  is  much 
handsomer  if  well  dressed.  Every  man  should  look  hie 
very  best.  I  am  a  believer  in  good  clothes.  The  time 
never  ought  to  come  in  this  country  when  you  can  tell  a 
farmer's  wife  or  daughter  simply  by  the  garments  she 
wears.  I  say  to  every  girl  and  woman,  no  matter  what  the 
material  of  your  dress  may  be,  no  matter  how  cheap  and 
coarse  it  is,  cut  it  and  make  it  in  the  fashion.  I  believe  in 
jewelry.  Some  people  look  upon  it  as  barbaric,  but  in  my 
judgment,  wearing  jewelry  is  the  first  evidence  the  barbarian 
gives  of  a  wish  to  be  civilized.  To  adorn  ourselves  seems 
to  be  a  part  of  our  nature,  and  this  desire  seems  to  be  every 
where  and  in  everything.  I  have  sometimes  thought  that 
the  desire  for  beauty  covers  the  earth  with  flowers.  It  is 
this  desire  that  paints  the  wings  of  moths,  tints  the  chamber 
of  the  shell,  and  gives  the  bird  its  plumage  and  its  song. 
Ohl  daughters  and  wives,  if  you  would  be  loved,  adorn 
yourselves — if  you  would  be  adored,  be  beautiful  1 

HOME   VS.    THE   BOARDING-HOUSE. 

There  is  another  fault  common  with  the  farmers  of  otu 
country — they  want  too  much  land.  You  cannot,  at  present, 
when  taxes  are  high,  afford  to  own  land  that  you  do  not 
Cultivate.  Sell  it  and  let  others  make  farms  and  homes. 


GREAT     SPEECHES.  1 5 

In  this  way  what  you  keep  will  be  enhanced  in  value. 
Farmers  ought  to  own  the  land  they  cultivate,  and  cultivate 
what  they  own.  Renters  can  hardly  be  called  farmers. 
There  can  be  no  such  thing  in  the  highest  sense  as  a  home 
unless  you  own  it.  There  must  be  an  incentive  to  plant 
trees,  to  beautify  the  grounds,  to  preserve  and  improve. 
It  elevates  a  man  to  own  a  home.  It  gives  a  certain  inde* 
pendence,  a  force  of  character  that  is  obtained  in  no  other 
way.  A  man  without  a  home  feels  like  a  passenger.  There 
i-3  in  such  a  man  a  little  of  the  vagrant.  Homss  make 
patriots.  He  who  has  sat  by  his  own  fireside  with  wife 
and  children,  will  defend  it.  When  he  hears  the  word 
country  pronounced,  be  thinks  of  his  home. 

Few  men  have  been  patriotic  enough  to  shoulder  a  mus 
ket  in  defense  of  a  boarding  house. 

The  prosperity  and  glory  of  onr  country  depend  upon 
the  number  of  our  people  who  are  the  owners  of  homes. 
Around  the  fireside  cluster  the  private  and  the  public  vir 
tues  of  our  race.  Raise  your  sons  to  be  independent 
through  labor — to  pursue  some  business  for  themselves, 
and  upon  their  own  account — to  be  self-reliant — to  act 
upon  their  own  responsibility,  and  to  take  the  consequences 
like  men.  Teach  them  above  all  things  to  be  good,  true 
and  faithful  husbands — winners  of  love,  and  builders  of 
homes. 

INDUSTRY   AND   BROTHERHOOD. 

A  great  many  farmers  seem  to  think  that  they  are  the 
only  laborers  in  the  world.  This  is  a  very  foolish  thing. 
Farmers  cannot  get  along  without  the  mechanic.  You  are 
not  independent  of  the  man  of  genius.  Your  prosperity 
depends  upon  the  inventor.  The  world  advances  by  the 
assistance  of  all  laborers;  and  all  labor  is  under  obligations 
to  the  inventions  of  genius.  The  inventor  does  as  much 
for  agriculture  as  he  who  tills  the  soil.  All  laboring  men 


1 6  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

should  be  brothers.  You  are  in  partnership  with  the  me. 
chanics  who  make  your  reapers,  your  mowers  and  your 
plows ;  and  you  should  take  into  your  granges  all  the  men 
who  make  their  living  by  honest  labor.  The  laboring 
people  should  unite  and  should  protect  themselves  against 
all  idlers.  You  can  divide  mankind  into  two  classes:  the 
laborers  and  the  idlers,  the  supporters  and  the  supported, 
the  honest  and  the  dishonest.  Every  man  is  dishonest  who 
lives  upon  the  unpaid  labor  of  others,  no  matter  if  he  occu 
pies  a  throne.  All  laborers  should  be  brothers.  The 
laborers  should  have  equal  rights  before  the  world  and 
before  the  law.  And  I  want  every  farmer  to  consider  every 
man  who  labors  either  with  hand  or  brain  as  his  brother. 
Until  genius  and  labor  formed  a  partnership  there  was  no 
such  thing  as  prosperity  among  men.  Every  reaper  and 
mower,  every  agricultural  implement,  has  elevated  the 
work  of  the  farmer,  and  his  vocation  grows  grander  with 
every  invention.  In  the  olden  time  the  agriculturist  was 
ignorant ;  he  knew  nothing  of  machinery,  he  was  the  slave 
of  superstition. 

The  farmer  has  been  elevated  through  science,  and  he 
should  not  forget  the  debt  he  owes  to  the  mechanic,  to  the 
inventor,  to  the  thinker.  He  should,  remember  that  all 
laborers  belong  to  the  same  grand  family — that  they  are 
the  real  kings  and  queens,  the  only  true  nobility. 

WHAT   THE    EA1LROADS    HAVE     DONE — THIRTY-THREE    DOZEN 
EGGS  FOR   ONE   DOLLAB. 

Another  idea  entertained  by  most  farmers  is  that  they 
are  in  some  mysterious  way  oppressed  by  every  other  kind 
of  business— that  they  are  devoured  by  monopolies,  espe 
cially  by  railroads. 

Of  course,  the  railroads  are  indebted  to  the  farmers  for 
their  prosperity,  and  the  farmers  are  indebted  to  the  railroads. 


GREAT   SPEECHES.  1 7 

A  fe'w  years  ago  you  endeavored  to  regulate  the  charges 
of  railroad  companies.  The  principal  complaint  you  had 
was  that  they  charged  too  much  for  the  transportation  of 
corn  and  other  cereals  to  the  East.  You  should  remember 
that  all  freight  are  paid  by  the  consumers  of  the  grain. 
You  are  really  interested  in  transportation  from  the  East 
to  the  West  and  in  local  freights.  The  result  is  that  while 
you  have  put  down  through  freights  you  have  not  succeeded 
so  well  in  local  freights.  The  exact  opposite  should  be  the 
policy  in  Illinois.  Put  down  local  freights ;  put  them  down, 
if  you  can,  to  the  lowest  possible  figure,  and  let  through 
freights  take  care  of  themselves.  If  all  the  corn  raised  in 
Illinois  could  be  transported  to  New  York  absolutely  free, 
it  would  enhance  but  little  the  price  that  you  would  receive. 
What  we  want  is  the  lowest  possible  local  rate.  Instead  of 
this  you  have  simply  succeeded  in  helping  the  East  at  the 
expense  of  the  West.  The  railroads  are  your  friends. 
They  are  your  partners.  They  can  prosper  only  where  the 
country  through  which  they  run  prospers.  All  intelligent 
railroad  men  know  this.  They  know  that  present  robbery 
is  future  bankruptcy.  They  know  that  the  interest  of  the 
farmer  and  of  the  railroad  is  the  same.  We  must  have 
railroads.  What  can  we  do  without  them  ? 

When  we  had  no  railroads,  we  drew,  as  I  said  before,  our 
grain  two  hundred  miles  to  market. 

In  those  days  the  farmers  did  not  stop  at  hotels.  They 
slept  under  the  wagons — took  with  them  their  food — fried 
their  own  bacon,  made  their  own  coffee,  and  ate  their  meals 
in  the  snow  and  rain.  Those  were  the  days  when  they 
received  ten  cents  a  bushels  for  corn — when  they  sold  four 
bushels  of  potatoes  for  a  quarter — thirty-three  dozen  eggs 
for  a  dollar,  and  a  hundred  pounds  of  pork  for  a  dollar  and 
a  half. 

What  has  made  the  difference  ?     The  railroads  came  to 


1 8  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

your  door  and  they  brought  with  them  the  markets  of  tbf 
world.  They  brought  New  York  and  Liverpool  and  Lon 
don  into  Illinois,  and  the  State  has  been  clothed  with  pros 
perity  as  with  a  mantle.  It  is  the  interest  of  the  farmer  t® 
protect  every  great  interest  in  the  State.  In  these  iron 
highways  more  than  three  hundred  million  dollars  have 
been  invested — a  sum  equal  to  ten  times  the  original  cost 
of  all  the  land  in  the  State.  To  make  war  upon  the  rail 
roads  is  a  short-sighted  and  suicidal  policy.  They  should 
be  treated  fairly  and  should  be  taxed  by  the  same  standard 
that  farms  are  taxed,  and  in  no  other  way.  If  we  wish  to 
prosper  we  must  act  together,  and  we  must  see  to  it  that 
every  form  of  labor  is  protected. 

BUSINESS    AND   THE   MONET   QUESTION. 

There  has  been  a  long  period  of  depression  in  all  busi 
ness.  The  farmers  have  suffered  least  of  all.  Your  land 
is  just  as  rich  and  productive  as  ever.  Prices  have  been 
reasonable.  The  towns  and  cities  have  suffered.  Stocks 
and  bonds  have  shrunk  from  par  to  worthless  paper. 
Princes  have  become  paupers,  and  bankers,  merchants  and 
millionaires  have  passed  into  the  oblivion  of  bankruptcy. 
The  period  of  depression  is  slowly  passing  away,  and  we 
are  entering  upon  better  times. 

A  great  many  people  say  that  a  scarcity  of  money  is  our 
only  difficulty.  In  my  opinion  we  have  money  enough, 
but  we  lack  confidence  in  each  other  in  the  future. 

There  has  been  so  much  dishonesty,  there  have  been  so 
many  failures,  that  the  people  are  afraid  to  trust  anybody. 
There  is  plenty  of  money,  but  there  seems  to  be  a  scarcity 
of  business.  If  you  were  to  go  to  the  owner  of  a  ferry, 
and,  upon  seeing  his  boat  lying  high  and  dry  on  the  shore, 
should  say,  "There  is  a  superabundance  of  ferry-boat," 
he  would  probably  reply,  "No,  but  there  is  a  scarcity  of 


GREAT   SPEECHES.  19 

water."  So  with  us  there  is  not  a  scarcity  >f  money,  but 
there  is  a  scarcity  of  business.  And  this  scarcity  springs 
from  lack  of  confidence  in  one  another.  So  many  presi 
dents  of  savings  banks,  even  those  belonging  to  the  Young 
Men's  Christian  Association,  run  off  with  the  funds;  so 
many  railroad  and  insurance  companies  are  in  the  hands  of 
receivers;  there  is  so  much  bankruptcy  on  every  hand,  that 
all  capital  is  held  in  the  nervous  clutch  of  fear.  Slowly, 
but  surely,  we 'are  coming  back  to  honest  methods  in  busi 
ness.  Confidence  will  return,  and  then  enterprise  will  un 
lock  the  safe  and  money  will  again  circulate  as  of  yore; 
the  dollars  will  leave  their  hiding  places,  and  every  one  will 
be  seeking  investment. 

For  my  part  I  do  not  ask  any  interference  on  the  part  of 
the  government  except  to  undo  the  wrong  it  has  done.  I 
do  not  ask  that  money  be  made  out  of  nothing.  I  do  not 
ask  for  the  prosperity  born  of  paper.  But  I  do  ask  for  the 
remonetization  of  silver.  Silver  was  demonetized  by  fraud. 
It  was  an  imposition  upon  every  solvent  man;  a  fraud 
upon  every  honest  debtor  in  the  United  States.  It  assas 
sinated  labor.  It  was  done  in  the  interest  of  avarice  and 
greed,  and  should  be  undone  by  honest  men. 

The  farmers  should  vote  only  for  such  men  as  are  able 
and  willing  to  guard  and  advance  the  interests  of  labor. 
We  should  know  better  than  to  vote  for  men  who  will  de 
liberately  put  a  tariff  of  three  dollars  a  thousand  upon 
Canada  lumber,  when  every  farmer  in  the  States  is  a  pur 
chaser  of  lumber.  People  who  live  upon  the  prairies  ought 
to  vote  for  cheap  lumber.  We  should  protect  ourselves. 
We  ought  to  have  intelligence  enough  to  know  what  we 
want  and  how  to  get  it.  The  real  laboring  men  of  this 
county  can  succeed  if  they  are  united.  By  laboring  men, 
I  do  not  mean  only  the  farmers.  I  mean  all  who  contri 
bute  in  some  way  to  the  general  welfare.  They  should 


2O  COL.    INGERSOLLS 

forget  prejudices  and  party  names,  and  remember  only  the 
best  interests  of  the  people.  Let  us  see  if  we  cannot  pro 
tect  every  department  of  industry.  Let  us  see  if  all  prop 
erty  cannot  be  protected  alike  and  taxed  alike,  whether 
owned  by  individuals  or  corporations. 

Where  industry  creates  and  justice  protects,  prosper^ 
dwells. 

ILLINOIS. 

Let  me  tell  you  something  about  Illinois.  We  have  fifty- 
six  thousand  square  miles  of  land — nearly  thirty-six  mil 
lion  acres.  Upon  these  plains  we  can  raise  enough  to  feed 
and  clothe  twenty  million  people.  Beneath  these  prairies 
were  hidden,  millions  of  ages  ago,  by  that  old  miser,  the 
sun,  thirty-six  thousand  square  miles  of  coal.  The  aggre 
gate  thickness  of  these  veins  is  at  least  fifteen  feet.  Think 
of  a  column  of  coal  one  mile  square  and  one  hundred  miles 
high !  All  this  came  from  the  sun.  What  a  sunbeam  such 
*a  column  would  be!  Think  of  all  this  force,  willed  and 
left  to  us  by  the  dead  morning  of  the  world !  Think  of 
the  fireside  of  the  future  around  which  will  sit  the  fathers, 
mothers  and  children  of  the  years  to  be !  Think  of  the 
sweet  and  happy  faces,  the  loving  and  tender  eyes  that  will 
glow  and  gleam  in  the  sacred  light  of  all  these  flames ! 

We  have  the  best  country  in  the  world.  Is  there  any 
reason  that  our  farmers  should  not  be  prosperous  and  happy 
men?  They  have  every  advantage,  and  within  their  reach 
are  all  the  comforts  and  conveniences  of  life. 

Do  not  get  the  land  fever  and  think  you  must  buy  all  the 
land  that  joins  you.  Get  out  of  debt  as  soon  as  you  pos 
sibly  can.  A  mortgage  casts  a  shadow  on  the  sunniest 
field.  There  is  no  business  under  the  sun  that  can  pay  ten 
per  cent. 

WHAT  A  DOLLAR  CAN  DO. 

Ainsworth  E.  Spofford  gives  the  following  facts  about 


GREAT   SPEECHES.  21 

interest:  " One  dollar  loaned  for  one  hundred  years  at  six 
per  cent,  with  the  interest  collected  annually  and  added 
to  the  principal,  will  amount  to  three  hundred  and  forty 
dollars.  At  eight  per  cent,  it  amounts  to  two  thousand 
two  hundred  and  three  dollars.  At  three  per  cent,  it 
amounts  only  to  nineteen  dollars  and  twenty-five  cents. 
At  ten  per  cent,  it  is  thirteen  thousand  eight  hundred  and 
nine  dollars,  or  about  seven  hundred  times  as  much.  At 
twelve  per  cent,  it  amounts  to  eighty-four  thousand  and  sev 
enty-five  dollars,  or  more  than  four  thousand  times  as  much. 
At  eighteen  per  cent,  it  amounts  to  fifteen  million  one  hun 
dred  and  forty-five  thousand  and  seven  dollars.  At  twen 
ty-four  per  cent,  (which  we  sometimes  hear  talked  of)  it 
reaches  the  enormous  sum  of  two  billion  five  hundred  and 
fifty-one  million  seven  hundred  and  ninety-nine  thousand 
four  hundred  and  four  dollars." 

One  dollar  at  compound  interest,  at  twenty-four  per 
cent.,  for  one  hundred  years,  would  produce  a  sum  equal 
to  our  national  debt. 

Interest  eats  night  and  day,  and  the  more  it  eats  the 
hungrier  it  grows.  The  farmer  in  debt,  lying  awake  at 
night,  can,  if  he  listens,  hear  it  gnaw.  If  he  owes  nothing, 
he  can  hear  his  corn  grow.  Get  out  of  debt  as  soon  as 
you  possibly  can.  You  have  supported  idle  avarice  and 
lazy  economy  long  enough. 

HOW  A  MAN  SHOULD  TKEAT  HIS  WIFE  AND  CHILDREN. 

Above  all,  let  every  farmer  treat  his  wife  and  children 
with  infinite  kindness.  Give  your  sons  and  daughters  every 
advantage  within  your  power.  In  the  air  of  kindness  they 
will  grow  about  you  like  flowers.  They  will  fill  your  homes 
with  sunshine  and  all  your  years  with  joy.  Do  not  try  to 
rule  by  force.  A  blow  from  a  parent  leaves  a  scar  on  the 
soul.  I  should  feel  ashamed  to  die  surrounded  by  children 


22  COL.    INGERSOLLS 

I  had  whipped.  Think  of  feeling  upon  your  dying  lips  the 
kiss  of  a  child  you  had  struck. 

See  to  it  that  your  wife  has  every  convenience.  Make 
her  life  worth  living.  Never  allow  her  to  become  a  servant. 
Wives,  weary  and  worn ;  mothers,  wrinkled  and  bent  be 
fore  their  time,  fill  homes  with  grief  and  shame.  If  you 
are  not  able  to  hire  help  for  your  wives,  help  them  your 
selves.  See  that  they  have  the  best  utensils  to  work  with. 
Women  cannot  create  things  by  magic.  Have  plenty  of 
wood  aud  coal — good  cellars  and  plenty  in  them.  Have 
cisterns,  so  that  you  can  have  plenty  of  rain  water  for  wash 
ing.  Do  not  rely  on  a  barrel  and  a  board.  When  the  rain 
comes  the  board  will  be  lost  or  the  hoops  will  be  off  the 
barrel. 

Farmers  should  live  like  princes.  Eat  the  best  things 
you  raise  and  sell  the  rest.  Have  good  things  to  cook  and 
good  things  to  cook  with.  Of  all  people  in  our  country, 
you  should  live  the  best.  Throw  your  miserable  little  stoves 
out  of  the  window.  Get  ranges,  and  have  them  so  built 
that  your  wife  need  not  burn  her  face  off  to  get  you  a  break 
fast.  Do  not  make  her  cook  in  a  kitchen  hot  as  the  ortho 
dox  perdition.  The  beef,  not  the  cook,  should  be  roasted. 
It  is  just  as  easy  to  have  things  convenient  and  right  as  to 
have  them  any  other  way. 

INOEESOLL  ON  COOKERY. 

Cooking  is  one  of  the  fine  arts.  Give  your  wives  and 
daughters  things  to  cook,  and  things  to  cook  with,  and  they 
will  soon  become  most  excellent  cooks.  Good  cooking  is 
the  basis  of  civilization.  The  man  whose  arteries  and  veins 
are  filled  with  rich  blood  made  of  good  and  well-cooked 
food,  has  pluck,  courage,  endurance  and  noble  impulses. 
Remember  that  your  wife  should  have  things  to  cook  with. 

In  the  good  old  days  there  would  be  eleven  children  in 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  23 

the  family  and  only  one  skillet.  Everything  was  broken 
or  cracked  or  loaned  or  lost. 

There  ought  to  be  a  law  making  it  a  crime,  punishable 
by  imprisonment,  to  fry  beefsteak.  Broil  it ;  it  is  just  as 
easy,  and  when  broiled  it  is  delicious.  Fried  beefsteak  is 
not  fit  for  a  wild  beast.  You  can  broil  even  on  a  stove. 
Shut  the  front  damper — open  the  back  one,  then  take  off  a 
griddle.  There  will  then  be  a  draft  downwards  through 
this  opening.  Put  on  your  steak,  using  a  wire  broiler,  and 
not  a  particle  of  smoke  will  touch  it,  for  the  reason  that  the 
smoke  goes  down.  If  you  try  to  broil  it  with  the  front 
damper  open,  the  smoke  will  rise.  For  broiling,  coal,  even 
soft  coal,  makes  a  better  fire  than  wood. 

There  is  no  reason  why  farmers  should  not  have  fresh 
meat  all  the  year  round.  There  is  certainly  no  sense  in- 
stuffing  yourself  full  of  salt  meat  every  morning,  and  making 
a  well  or  a  cistern  of  your  stomach  for  the  rest  of  the  day. 
Every  farmer  should  have  an  ice  house.  Upon  or  near 
every  farm  is  some  stream  from  which  plenty  of  ice  can  be 
obtained,  and  the  long  summer  days  made  delightful.  Dr. 
Draper,  one  of  the  world's  greatest  scientists,  says  that  ice 
water  is  healthy,  and  that  it  has  done  away  with  many  of 
the  low  forms  of  fever  in  the  great  cities.  Ice  has  become 
one  of  the  necessaries,  of  civilized  life,  and  without  it  there 
is  very  little  comfort. 

THE  HAPPY  HOME. 

Make  your  homes  pleasant.  Have  your  houses  warm 
and  comfortable  for  the  winter.  Do  not  build  a  story-and- 
a-half  house.  The  half-story  is  simply  an  oven  in  which, 
during  the  summer,  you  will  bake  every  night,  and  feel  in 
the  morning  as  though  only  the  rind  of  yourself  was  left. 

Decorate  your  rooms,  even  if  you  do  so  with  cheap 
engravings.  The  cheapest  are  far  better  than  none.  Have 
froeks— -have  papers,  and  read  them.  You  have  iiiore 


24  COL.    INGERSOLLS 

leisure  than  the  dwellers  in  cities.  Beautify  your  grounds 
with  plants  and  flowers  and  vines.  Have  good  gardens. 
Remember  that  everything  of  beauty  tends  to  the  elevation 
of  man.  Every  little  morning-glory  whose  purple  bosom 
is  thrilled  with  the  amorous  kisses  of  the  sun,  tends  to  put 
a  blossom  in  your  heart.  Do  not  judge  of  the  value  of 
everything  by  the  market  reports.  Every  flower  about  a 
house  certifies  to  the  refinement  of  somebody.  Every  vine, 
climbing  and  blossoming,  tells  of  love  and  joy. 

Make  your  houses  comfortable.  Do  not  huddle  together 
in  a  little  room  around  a  red-hot  stove,  with  every  window 
fastened  down.  Do  not  live  in  this  poisoned  atmosphere, 
and  then,  when  one  of  your  children  dies,  put  a  piece  in 
the  papers  commencing  with,  "Whereas,  it  has  pleased 
divine  Providence  to  remove  from  our  midst — ."  Have 
plenty  of  air,  and  plenty  of  warmth.  Comfort  is  health. 
Do  not  imagine  anything  is  unhealthy  simply  because  it  is 
pleasant.  This  is  an  old  and  foolish  idea. 

Let  your  children  sleep.  Do  not  drag  them  from  their 
beds  in  the  darkness  of  night.  Do  not  compel  them  to 
associate  all  that  is  tiresome,  irksome  and  dreadful  with 
cultivating  the  soil.  In  this  way  you  bring  farming  into 
hatred  and  disrepute.  Treat  your  children  with  infinite 
kindness — treat  them  as  equals.  There  is  no  happiness  in 
a  home  not  filled  with  love.  Where  the  husband  hates  his 
wife — where  the  wife  hates  the  husband ;  where  children 
hate  their  parents  and  each  other — there  is  a  hell  upon 
earth. 

There  is  no  reason  why  farmers  should  not  be  the  kindest 
and  most  cultivated  of  men.  There  is  nothing  in  plowing 
the  fields  to  make  men  cross,  cruel  and  crabbed.  To  look 
upon  the  sunny  slopes  covered  with  daisies  does  not  tend 
to  make  men  unjust.  Whoever  labors  for  the  happiness  of 
taose  ht,  loves,  elevates  himself,  no  matter  whether  he 


GREAT   SPEECHES.  25 

works  in  the  dark  and  dreary  shops,  or  in  the  perfumed 
fields.  To  work  for  others  is,  in  reality,  the  only  way  in 
which  a  man  can  work  for  himself.  Selfishness  is  ignor 
ance.  Speculators  cannot  make  unless  somebody  loses.  In 
the  realm  of  speculation,  every  success  has  at  least  one 
victim.  The  harvest  reaped  by  the  farmer  benefits  all  and 
injures  none.  For  him  to  succeed,  it  is  not  necessary  that 
some  one  should  fail.  The  same  is  true  of  all  producers — 
of  all  laborers. 

THE  COLONEL'S  VIEW  OF  "SOLID  COMFOBT." 

I  can  imagine  no  condition  that  carries  with  it  such  a 
promise  of  joy  as  that  of  the  farmer  in  the  early  winter. 
He  has  his  cellar  filled — he  has  made  every  preparation  for 
the  days  of  snow  and  storm — he  looks  forward  to  three 
months  of  ease  and  rest ;  to  three  months  of  fireside  con 
tent;  three  months  with  wife  and  children;  three  months 
of  long,  delightful  evenings ;  three  months  of  home ;  three 
months  of  solid  comfort. 

"When  the  life  of  the  farmer  is  such  as  I  have  described, 
the  cities  and  towns  will  not  be  filled  with  want — the  streets 
will  not  be  crowded  with  wrecked  rogues,  broken  bankers, 
and  bankrupt  speculators.  The  fields  will  be  tilled,  and 
country  villages,  almost  hidden  by  trees,  and  vines,  and 
flowers,  filled  with  industrious  and  happy  people,  will  nes 
tle  in  every  vale  and  gleam  liko  gems  on  every  plain. 

The  idea  must  be  done  away  with  that  there  is  something 
intellectually  degrading  in  cultivating  the  soil.  Nothing 
can  be  noblei  than  to  be  useful.  Idleness  should  not  be 
respectable. 

If  farmers  will  cultivate  well,  and  without  waste ;  if  they 
will  so  build  that  their  houses  will  be  warm  in  winter  and 
cool  in  summer;  if  they* will  plant  trees  and  beautify  their 
homes ;  if  they  will  occupy  their  leisure  in  reading,  in 
ilr.  .;"'  tgj  iU  improving  their  minds  and  in  devisin .:  ~,7£y& 


a  6  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

and  means  to  make  their  business  profitable  and  pleasant ; 
if  they  will  live  nearer  together  and  cultivate  sociability ; 
if  they  will  come  together  often ;  if  they  will  have  reading 
rooms  and  cultivate  music ;  if  they  will  have  bath-rooms, 
ice-houses  and  good  gardens ;  if  their  wives  can  have  an 
easy  time ;  if  the  nights  can  be  taken  for  sleep  and  the 
evenings  for  enjoyment,  everybody  will  be  in  love  with  the 
fields.  Happiness  should  be  the  object  of  life,  and  if  life 
on  the  farm  can  be  made  really  happy,  the  children  will 
grow  up  in  love  with  the  meadows,  the  streams,  the  woods 
and  the  old  home.  Around  the  farm  will  cling  and  cluster 
the  happy  memories  of  the  delightful  years. 

Remember,  I  pray  you,  that  you  are  in  partnership  with 
all  labor — that  you  should  join  hands  with  all  the  sons  and 
daughters  of  toil,  and  that  all  who  work  belong  to  the  same 
noble  family. 

For  my  part,  I  envy  the  man  who  has  lived  on  the  same 
broad  acres  from  his  boyhood,  who  cultivates  the  fields 
where  in  youth  he  played,  and  lives  where  his  father  lived 
and  died. 

I  can  imagine  no  sweeter  way  to  end  one's  life  than  in 
the  quiet  of  the  country,  out  of  the  mad  race  for  money, 
place  and  power — far  from  the  demands  of  business — out 
of  the  dusty  highway  where  fools  struggle  and  strive  for 
the  hollow  praise  ot  other  fools. 

Surrounded  by  these  pleasant  fields  and  faithful  friends, 
by  those  I  have  loved,  I  hope  to  end  my  days.  And  this  I 
hope  may  be  the  lot  of  all  who  hear  my  voice.  I  hope  that 
you,  in  the  country,  in  houses  covered  with  vines  and 
clothed  with  flowers,  looking  from  the  open  window  upon 
rustling  fields  of  corn  and  wheat,  over  which  will  run  the 
sunshine  and  the  shadow,  surrounded  by  those  whose  lives 
you  have  filled  with  joy,  will  pass  away  serenely  as  the 
Autumn  dies. 


COL.  INGERSOLL'S  GREAT   SPEECH  TO  THE 
VETERAN  SOLDIERS. 

DELIVERED    AT    INDIANAPOLIS. 


BEASONS    WHY    THE    COLONEL    IS    NOT  A   DEMOCEAT. 
[From  the  Indianapolis  Jotirnal^\ 

LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN:— FELLOW  CITIZENS  AND  CITIZEN 
SOLDIERS  :  I  am  opposed  to  the  Democratic  party,  and  I 
will  tell  you  why.  Every  State  that  seceded  from  the 
United  States  was  a  Democratic  State.  Every  ordinance 
of  secession  that  was  drawn  was  drawn  by  a  Democrat. 
Every  man  that  endeavored  to  tear  the  old  flag  from  the 
heaven  that  it  enriches  was  a  Democrat.  Every  man  that 
tried  to  destroy  this  nation  was  a  Democrat.  Every  enemy 
this  great  republic  has  had  for  twenty  years  has  been  a 
Democrat.  Every  man  that  shot  Union  soldiers  was  a 
Democrat.  Every  man  that  starved  Union  soldiers  and 
refused  them  in  the  extremity  of  death,  a  crust,  was  a  Dem 
ocrat.  Every  man  that  loved  slavery  better  than  liberty 
was  a  Democrat.  The  man  that  assassinated  Abraham 
Lincoln  was  a  Democrat.  Every  man  that  sympathized 
with  the  assassin — every  man  glad  that  the  noblest  Presi 
dent  ever  elected  was  assassinated,  was  a  Democrat.  Every 
man  that  wanted  the  privilege  of  whipping  another  man  to 
make  him  work  for  him  for  nothing  and  pay  him  with  lashes 
on  his  naked  back,  was  a  Democrat.  Every  man  that 
raised  blood-hounds  to  pursue  human  beings  was  a  Demo* 
crat.  Every  man  that  clutched  from  shrieking,  shuddering, 

27 


28  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

crouching  mothers,  babes  from  their  breasts,  and  sold  them 
into  slavery,  was  a  Democrat.  Every  man  that  impaired 
the  credit  of  the  United  States,  every  man  that  swore  we 
would  never  pay  the  bonds,  every  man  that  swore  we  would 
never  redeem  the  greenbacks,  every  maligner  of  his  coun 
try's  credit,  every  calumniator  of  his  country's  honor,  was 
a  Democrat.  Every  man  that  resisted  the  draft,  every  man 
that  hid  in  the  bushes  and  shot  at  Union  men  simply  be 
cause  they  were  endeavoring  to  enforce  the  laws  of  their 
country,  was  a  Democrat.  Every  man  that  wept  over  the 
corpse  of  slavery  was  a  Democrat.  Every  man  that  cursed 
Lincoln  because  he  issued  the  proclamation  of  emancipation 
— the  grandest  paper  since  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
—every  one  of  them  was  a  Democrat.  Every  man  that 
denounced  the  soldiers  that  bared  their  bosoms  to  the  storms 
of  shot  and  shell  for  the  honor  of  America  and  for  the  sacred 
rights  of  man,  was  a  Democrat.  Every  man  that  wanted 
an  uprising  in  the  North,  that  wanted  to  release  the  rebel 
prisoners  that  they  might  burn  down  the  homes  of  Union 
soldiers  above  the  heads  of  their  wives  and  children,  while 
the  brave  husbands,  the  heroic  fathers,  were  in  the  front 
fighting  for  the  honor  of  the  old  flag,  every  one  of  them  was 
a  Democrat.  I  am  not  through  yet.  Every  man  that  be 
lieved  this  glorious  nation  of  ours  is  a  confederacy,  every 
man  that  believed  the  old  banner  carried  by  our  fathers 
through  the  Revolution,  through  the  war  of  1812,  carried 
by  our  brothers  over  the  plains  of  Mexico,  carried  by  our 
brothers  over  the  fields  of  the  rebellion,  simply  stood  for  a 
contract,  simply  stood  for  an  agreement,  was  a  Democrat. 
Every  man  who  believed  that  any  State  could  go  out  of  the 
Union  at  its  pleasure,  every  man  that  believed  the  grand 
fabric  of  the  American  Government  could  be  made  to  crum 
ble  instantly  into  dust  at  the  touch  of  treason,  was  a  Dem 
ocrat.  Every  man  that  helped  to  burn  orphan  asylums  in 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  2Q 

New  York,  was  a  Democrat ;  every  man  that  tried  to  fire 
the  city  of  New  York,  although  he  knew  that  thousands 
would  perish,  and  knew  that  the  great  serpents  of  flame 
leaping  from  buildings  would  clutch  children  from  their 
mothers'  arms — every  wretch  that  did  it  was  a  Democrat. 
Recollect  it!  Every  man  that  tried  to  spread  small-pox 
and  yellow  fever  in  the  North,  as  the  instrumentalities  of 
civilized  war,  was  a  Democrat.  Soldiers,  every  scar  you 
have  got  on  your  heroic  bodies  was  given  you  by  a  Demo 
crat.  Every  scar,  every  arm  that  is  lacking,  every  limb 
that  is  gone,  every  scar  is  a  souvenir  of  a  Democrat.  I 
want  you  to  recollect  it.  Every  man  that  was  the  enemy 
of  human  liberty  in  this  country  was  a  Democrat.  Every 
man  that  wanted  the  fruit  of  all  the  heroism  of  all  the  ages 
to  turn  to  ashes  upon  the  lips — every  one  was  a  Democrat. 

WHY  THE  COLONEL  IS  A  REPUBLICAN. 

I  am  a  Republican.  I  will  tell  you  why :  This  is  the 
only  free  government  in  the  world.  The  Republican  party 
made  it  so.  The  Republican  party  took  the  chains  from 
4,000,000  of  people.  The  Republican  party,  with  the 
wand  of  progress,  touched  the  auction-block  and  it  became 
a  school-house.  The  Republican  party  put  down  the  re 
bellion,  saved  the  nation,  kept  the  old  banner  afloat  in  the 
air,  and  declared  that  slavery  of  every  kind  should  be  ex 
tirpated  from  the  face  of  the  continent.  What  more  ?  I 
am  a  Republican  because  it  is  the  only  free  party  that  ever 
existed.  It  is  a  party  that  has  a  platform  as  broad  as  hu 
manity,  a  platform  as  broad  as  the  human  race,  a  party 
that  says  you  shall  have  all  the  fruit  of  the  labor  of  your 
hands,  a  party  that  says  you  may  think  for  yourself;  a 
partT'  that  says  no  chains  for  the  hands,  no  fetters  for  the 
soul.  (A  voice — "Amen."  Cheers.)  At  this  point  the 
rain  began  to  descend,  and  it  looked  as  if  a  heavy  shower 


JO  COL.  INGERSOLLS 

was  impending.  Several  umbrellas  were  put  up.  Gov. 
Noyes — "God  bless  you!  What  is  rain  to  soldiers?" 
Voice — "Go  ahead;  we  don't  mind  the  rain."  (It  was 
proposed  to  adjourn  the  meeting  to  Masonic  Hall,  but  the 
motion  was  voted  down  by  an  overwhelming  majority,  and 
Mr.  Ingersoll  proceeded.)  I  am  a  Republican  because  the 
Republican  party  says  this  country  is  a  nation,  and  not  a 
confederacy.  I  am  here  in  Indiana  to  speak,  and  I  have 
as  good  a  right  to  speak  here  in  Indiana  as  though  I  had 
been  born  on  this  stand — not  because  the  State  flag  of  In 
diana  waves  over  me.  I  would  not  know  it  if  I  should  see 
it.  You  have  the  same  right  to  speak  in  Illinois,  not  be 
cause  the  State  flag  of  Illinois  waves  over  you,  but  because 
that  banner,  rendered  sacred  by  the  blood  of  all  the  heroes, 
waves  over  me  and  you.  I  am  in  favor  of  this  being  a  na 
tion.  Think  of  a  man  gratifying  his  entire  ambition  in  the 
State  of  Rhode  Island.  We  want  this  to  be  a  nation,  and 
you  can't  have  a  great,  grand,  splendid  people  without  a 
great,  grand,  splendid  country.  The  great  plains,  the 
sublime  mountains,  the  great  rushing,  roaring  rivers,  shores 
lashed  by  two  oceans,  and  the  grand  anthem  of  Niagara, 
mingle  and  enter,  as  it  were,  in  the  character  of  every 
American  citizen,  and  make  him  or  tend  to  make  him  a 
great  and  a  grand  character.  I  am  for  the  Republican 
party  because  it  says  the  government  has  as  much  right, 
as  much  power  to  protect  its  citizens  at  home  as  abroad. 
The  Republican  party  don't  say  you  have  to  go  away  from 
home  to  get  the  protection  of  the  government.  The  Demo 
cratic  party  says  tne  government  can't  march  its  troops 
into  the  South  to  protect  the  rights  of  the  citizens.  It  is  a 
lie.  The  government  claims  the  right,  and  it  is  conceded 
that  the  government  has  the  right,  to  go  to  your  house, 
while  you  are  sitting  by  your  fireside  with  your  wife  and 
children  about  you,  and  the  old  lady  knitting,  and  the  cat 


GREAT   SPEECHES.  31 

playing  with  the  yarn,  and  everybody  happy  and  sweet— 
the  government  claims  the  right  to  go  to  your  fireside  and 
take  you  by  force  and  put  you  into  the  army :  take  you 
down  to  the  valley  and  the  shadow  of  hell,  set  you  by  the 
ruddy,  roaring  guns,  and  make  you  fight  for  your  flag. 
Now,  that  being  so,  when  the  war  is  over  and  your  country 
is  victorious,  and  you  go  back  to  your  home,  and  a  lot  of 
Democrats  want  to  trample  upon  your  rights,  I  want  to 
know  if  the  government  that  took  you  from  your  fireside 
and  made  you  fight  for  it,  I  want  to  know  if  it  is  not  bound 
to  fight  for  you.  The  flag  that  will  not  protect  its  pro 
tectors  is  a  dirty  rag  that  contaminates  the  air  in  which  it 
waves.  The  government  that  will  not  defend  its  defenders 
is  a  disgrace  to  the  nations  of  the  world.  I  am  a  Republi 
can  because  the  Republican  party  says,  "We  will  protect 
the  rights  of  American  citizens  at  home,  and  if  necessary 
we  will  march  an  army  into  any  State  to  protect  the  rights 
of  the  humblest  American  citizen  in  that  State."  I  am  a 
Republican  because  that  party  allows  me  to  be  free — allows 
me  to  do  my  own  thinking  in  my  own  way.  I  am  a  Re 
publican  because  it  is  a  party  grand  enough  and  splendid 
enough  and  sublime  enough  to  invite  every  human  being 
in  favor  of  liberty  and  progress  to  fight  shoulder  to  shoul 
der  for  the  advancement  of  mankind.  It  invites  the  Meth 
odist  ;  it  invites  the  Catholic ;  it  invites  the  Presbyterian 
and  every  kind  of  sectarian ;  it  invites  the  free-thinker ;  it 
invites  the  infidel,  provided  he  is  in  favor  of  giving  to  every 
other  human  being  every  chance  and  every  right  that  he 
claims  for  himself.  I  am  a  Republican,  I  tell  you.  There 
is  room  in  the  Republican  air  for  every  wing ;  there  is 
room  on  the  Republican  sea  for  every  sail.  Republicanism 
says  to  every  man  :  "Let  your  soul  be  like  an  eagle;  fly 
out  in  the  great  dome  of  thought,  an  i  question  the  stars 
for  yourself.1'  But  the  Democratic  party  says :  "  Be  blind 


32  COL.    IXGERSOLLS 

owls ;  sit  on  the  dry  limb  of  a  dead  tree,  and  only  hoot 
when  Tilden  &  Co.  tell  you  to." 

In  the  Republican  party  there  are  no  followers.  We  are 
all  leaders.  There  is  not  a  party  chain.  There  is  not  a 
party  lash.  Any  man  that  does  not  love  this  country,  any 
man  that  does  not  love  liberty,  any  man  that  is  not  in  favor 
of  human  progress,  that  is  not  in  favor  of  giving  to  others 
all  he  claims  for  himself;  we  don't  ask  him  to  vote  the 
Republican  ticket.  You  can  vote  it  if  you  please,  and  if 
there  is  any  Democrat  within  hearing  who  expects  to  die 
before  another  election,  we  are  willing  that  he  should  vote 
one  Republican  ticket,  simply  as  a  consolation  upon  his 
death-bed.  What  more  ?  I  am  a  Republican  because  that 
party  believes  in  free  labor.  It  believes  that  free  labor 
will  give  us  wealth.  It  believes  in  free  thought,  because  it 
believes  that  free  thought  will  give  us  truth.  You  don't 
know  what  a  grand  party  you  belong  to.  I  never  want  any 
holier  or  grander  title  of  nobility  than  that  I  belong  to  the 
Republican  party  and  have  fought  for  the  liberty  of  man. 
The  Republican  party,  I  say,  believes  in  free  labor.  The 
Republican  party  also  believes  in  slavery.  What  kind  of 
slavery  ?  In  enslaving  the  forces  of  nature. 

We  believe  that  free  labor,  that  free  thought,  have  en- 
slaved  the  forces  of  nature,  and  made  them  work  for  man. 
We  make  old  attraction  of  gravitation  work  for  us;  we 
make  the  lightning  do  our  errands ;  we  make  steam  ham 
mer  and  fashion  what  we  need.  The  forces  of  nature  are 
the  slaves  of  the  Republican  party.  They  have  got  no  backs 
to  be  whipped ;  they  have  got  no  hearts  to  be  torn — no 
hearts  to  be  broken ;  they  cannot  be  separated  from  their 
wives;  they  cannot  be  dragged  from  the  bosoms  of  their 
husbands  ;  they  wo  k  eight  and  day  and  they  cannot  tire. 
You  cannot  whip  tnem,  you  cannot  starve  them,  and  a 
Democrat  eveu  can  be  trusted  with  one  of  them.  I  tell 


GREAT   SPEECHES.  33 

you  I  am  a  Republican.  I  believe,  as  I  told  you,  that 
free  labor  will  give  us  these  slaves.  Free  labor  will 
produce  all  these  things,  and  everything  you  have  got 
to-day  has  been  produced  by  free  labor,  nothing  by  slave 
labor. 

Slavery  never  invented  but  one  machine,  and  that  was  a 
threshing-machine  in  the  shape  of  a  whip.  Free  labor  has 
invented  all  the  machines.  We  want  to  come  down  to  the 
philosophy  of  these  things.  The  problem  of  free  labor, 
when  a  man  works  for  the  wife  he  loves,  when  he  works 
for  the  little  children  he  adores — the  problem  is  to  do  the 
most  work  in  the  shortest  space  of  time.  The  problem  of 
slavery  is  to  do  the  least  work  in  the  longest  space  of  time. 
That  is  the  difference.  Free  labor,  love,  affection — they 
have  invented  everything  of  use  in  this  world.  I  am  a 
Republican. 

I  tell  you,  my  friends,  this  world  is  getting  better  every 
day,  and  the  Democratic  party  is  getting  smaller  every  day. 
See  the  advancement  we  have  made  in  a  few  years,  see  what 
we  have  done.  We  have  covered  this  nation  with  wealth, 
and  glory,  and  with  liberty.  This  is  the  first  free  govern 
ment  in  the  world.  The  Republican  party  is  the  first  party 
that  was  not  founded  on  some  compromise  with  the  devil. 
It  is  the  first  party  of  pure,  square,  honest  principle ;  the 
first  one.  And  we  have  got  the  first  free  country  that  ever 
existed. 

And  right  here  I  want  to  thank  every  soldier  that 
fought  to  make  it  free,  every  one  living  and  dead.  I 
want  to  thank  you  again,  and  again,  and  again.  You  made 
the  first  free  government  in  the  world,  and  we  must  not 
forget  the  dead  heroes.  If  they  were  here  they  would  vote 
the  Republican  ticket,  every  one  of  them.  I  tell  you  we 
must  not  forget  them. 


34  COL.    INGERSOLLS 

COL.  INGERSOLL'S  REMARKABLE  VISION — ONE  OF  THE  MOST 
ELOQUENT  EXTRACTS  IN  THE  ENGLISH  LANGUAGE. 

The  past,  as  it  were,  rises  before  me  like  a  dream.  Agai; 
we  are  in  the  great  struggle  for  national  life.  We  hear  the 
sound  of  preparation — the  music  of  the  boisterous  drums — 
the  silver  voices  of  heroic  bugles.  We  see  thousands  of 
assemblages,  and  hear  the  appeals  of  orators ;  we  see  the 
pale  cheeks  of  women,  and  the  flushed  faces  of  men  ;  and 
in  those  assemblages  we  see  all  the  dead  whose  dust  we 
have  covered  with  flowers.  We  lose  sight  of  them  no 
more.  We  are  with  them  when  they  enlist  in  the  great 
army  of  freedom.  We  see  them  part  with  those  they  love. 
Some  are  walking  for  the  last  time  in  quiet  woody  places 
with  the  maidens  they  adore.  We  hear  the  whisperings 
and  the  sweet  vows  of  eternal  love  as  they  lingeringly 
part  forever.  Others  are  bending  over  cradles  kissing 
babes  that  are  asleep.  Some  are  receiving  the  blessings  of 
old  men.  Some  are  parting  with  mothers  who  hold  them 
and  press  them  to  their  hearts  again  and  again,  and  say 
nothing  ;  and  some  are  talking  with  wives,  and  endeavoring 
with  brave  words  spoken  in  the  old  tones  to  drive  away  the 
awful  fear.  We  see  them  part.  We  see  the  wife  standing 
in  the  door  with  the  babe  in  her  arms — standing  in  the  sun 
light  sobbing — at  the  turn  of  the  road  a  hand  waves — she 
answers  by  holding  high  in  her  loving  hands  the  child.  He 
is  gone,  and  forever. 

We  see  them  all  as  they  march  proudly  away  under  the 
flaunting  flags,  keeping  time  to  the  wild  grand  music  of 
war — marching  down  the  streets  of  the  great  cities — through 
the  towns  and  across  the  prairies — down  to  the  fields  of 
glory,  to  do  and  to  die  for  the  eternal  right. 

We  go  with  them  one  and  all.  We  are  by  their  side  on 
all  the  gory  fields,  in  all  the  hospitals  of  pain — on  all  the 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  3 

weary  marches.  We  stand  guard  with  them  in  the  wild 
storm  and  under  the  quiet  stars.  We  are  with  them  in 
ravines  running  with  blood — in  the  furrows  of  old  fields. 
We  are  with  them  between  contending  hosts,  unable  to 
move,  wild  with  thirst,  the  life  ebbing  slowly  away  among 
the  withered  leaves.  We  see  them  pierced  by  balls  and: 
torn  with  shells  in  the  trenches  of  forts,  and  in  the  whirl 
wind  of  the  charge,  where  men  become  iron  with  nerves 
of  steel. 

We  are  with  them  in  the  prisons  of  hatred  and  famine, 
but  human  speech  can  never  tell  what  they  endured. 

We  are  at  home  when  the  news  comes  that  they  are  dead. 
We  see  the  maiden  in  the  shadow  of  her  sorrow.  We  see 
the  silvered  head  of  the  old  man  bowed  with  the  last  grief. 

The  past  rises  before  us,  and  we  see  four  millions  of 
human  beings  governed  by  the  lash — we  see  them  bound 
hand  and  foot — we  hear  the  strokes  of  cruel  whips — we  see 
the  hounds  tracking  women  through  tangled  swamps.  We 
see  babes  sold  from  the  breasts  of  mothers.  Cruelty  un 
speakable!  Outrage  infinite! 

Four  million  bodies  in  chains — four  million  souls  in  fetters. 
All  the  sacred  relations  of  wife,  mother,  father  and  child, 
trampled  beneath  the  brutal  feet  of  might.  And  all  this 
was  done  under  our  own  beautiful  banner  of  the  free. 

The  past  rises  before  us.  We  hear  the  roar  and  shriek  of 
the  bursting  shell.  The  broken  fetters  fall.  There  heroes 
died.  We  look.  Instead  of  slaves  we  see  men  and 
women  and  children.  The  wand  of  progress  touches  the 
auction-block,  the  slave-pen,  and  the  whipping-post,  and  we 
see  homes  and  firesides,  and  school-houses  and  books,  and 
where  all  was  want  and  crime,  and  cruelty  and  fear,  we  see 
the  faces  of  the  free. 

These  heroes  are  dead.  They  died  for  liberty — they 
died  for  us.  They  are  at  rest.  They  sleep  in  the  land  they 


36  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

made  free,  under  the  flag  they  rendered  stainless,  under 
the  solemn  pines,  the  sad  hemlocks,  the  tearful  willows, 
the  embracing  vines.  They  sleep  beneath  the  shadows  of 
the  clouds,  careless  alike  of  sunshine  or  storm,  each  in  the 
windowless  palace  of  rest.  Earth  may  run  red  with  other 
wars — they  are  at  peace.  In  the  midst  of  battle,  in  the 
roar  of  conflict,  they  found  the  serenity  of  death.  I  have 
one  sentiment  for  the  soldiers  living  and  dead— cheers  for 
the  living  and  tears  for  the  dead. 

MOKE   SOLID    SHOT. 

Now,  my  friends,  I  have  given  you  a  few  reasons  why  I 
am  a  Republican.  I  have  given  you  a  -few  reasons  why  I 
am  not  a  Democrat.  Let  me  say  another  thing.  The 
Democratic  party  opposed  every  movement  of  the  army  of 
the  Republic,  every  one.  Don't  be  fooled.  Imagine  the 
meanest  resolution  that  you  can  think  of — that  is  the  reso 
lution  the  Democratic  party  passed.  Imagine  the  meanest 
thing  you  can  think  of— that  is  what  they  did  ;  and  I  want 
you  to  recollect  that  the  Democratic  party  did  these  devilish 
things  when  the  fate  of  this  nation  was  trembling  in  the 
balance  of  war.  I  want  you  to  recollect  another  thins: ; 
when  they  tell  you  about  hard  times,  that  the  Democratic 
party  made  the  hard  times ;  that  every  dollar  we  owe  to 
day  was  made  by  the  Southern  and  Northern  Democracy. 

When  we  commenced  to  put  down  the  rebellion  we  had 
to  borrow  money,  and  the  Democratic  party  went  into  the 
markets  of  the  world  and  impaired  the  credit  of  the  United 
States.  They  slandered,  they  lied,  they  maligned  the 
credit  of  the  United  States,  and  to  such  an  extent  did  they 
do  this,  that  at  one  time  during  the  war  paper  was  only 
worth  about  3-.-  cents  on  the  dollar.  Gold  wo  it  up  to  $2.90. 
"What  did  that  mean?  It  meanf  that  greenbacks  were  worth 


GREAT   LECTURES.  37 

34  cents  on  the  dollar.  What  became  of  the  other  66 
cents  ?  They  were  lied  out  of  the  greenbacks,  they  were 
calumniated  out  of  the  greenbacks,  by  the  Democratic 
party  of  the  North.  Two-thirds  of  the  debt,  two-thirds  of 
the  burden  now  upon  the  shoulders  of  American  industry, 
were  placed  there  by  the  slanders  of  the  Democratic  party 
of  the  North,  and  the  other  third  by  the  Democratic  party 
of  the  South.  And  when  you  pay  your  taxes  keep  an 
account  and  charge  two-thirds  to  the  Northern  Democracy 
and  one-third  to  the  Southern  Democracy,  and  whenever 
you  have  to  earn  the  money  to  pay  the  taxes,  when  you 
have  to  blister  your  hands  to  earn  that  money,  pull  off  the 
blisters,  and  under  each  one,  as  the  foundation,  you  will 
mid  a  Democratic  lie. 

Recollect  that  the  Democratic  party  did  all  the  things  of 
which  I  have  told  you,  when  the  fate  of  our  nation  was 
submitted  to  the  arbitrament  of  the  sword.  Recollect  they 
did  these  things  when  your  husbands,  your  fathers,  your 
brothers,  your  chivalric  sons  were  fighting,  bleeding,  suffer 
ing  upon  the  fields  of  the  South,  where  shot  and  shell  were 
crashing  through  their  sacred  flesh,  where  they  were  lying 
upon  the  field  of  battle,  the  blood  slowly  oozing  from  the 
pallid,  mangled  lips  of  death ;  when  they  were  in  the  hos 
pitals  of  pain,  dreaming  broken  dreams  of  home,  and 
seeing  fever  pictures  of  the  ones  they  loved ;  when  they 
were  in  the  prison  pens  of  the  South,  with  no  covering  but 
the  clouds,  no  bed  except  the  frozen  earth,  no  food  except 
such  as  worms  had  refused  to  eat,  and  no  friends  except 
insanity  and  death.  Recollect  it.  I  have  often  said  that 
1  wished  there  were  words  of  pure  hatred  out  of  which  I 
might  construct  sentences  like  serpents,  sentences  like 
snakes,  sentences  that  would  writhe  and  hiss — I  could  then 
give  my  opinion  of  the  Northern  allies  of  the  Southern 


38  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

THEEE    IMPORTANT   QUESTIONS    ANSWERED. 

There  are  three  questions  now  submitted  to  the  American 
people.  The  first  is,  Shall  the  people  that  saved  this 
country  rule  it  ?  Shall  the  men  who  saved  the  old  flag  hold 
it  ?  Shall  the  men  who  saved  the  ship  of  State  sail  it  ?  or 
shall  the  rebels  walk  her  quarter-deck,  give  the  orders  and 
sink  it.  That  is  the  question.  Shall  a  solid  South,  a  united 
South,  united  by  assassination  and  murder,  a  South  solidi 
fied  by  the  shot-gun  ;  shall  a  united  South,  with  the  aid  of 
a  divided  North,  shall  they  control  this  great  and  splendid 
country?  Well,  then  the  North  must'wake  up.  We  are 
right  back  where  we  were  in  1881.  This  is  simply  a  pro 
longation  of  the  war.  This  is  the  war  of  the  idea,  the  other 
was  the  war  of  the  musket.  The  other  was  the  war  of 
cannon,  this  is  the  war  of  thought ;  and  we  have  got  to 
beat  them  in  this  war  of  thought,  recollect  that.  The  ques 
tion  is,  Shall  the  men  who  endeavored  to  destroy  this 
country  rule  it  ?  Shall  the  men  that  said,  This  is  not  a 
nation,  have  charge  of  the  nation  ? 

The  next  question  is,  Shall  we  pay  our  debts  ?  We  had 
to  borrow  some  money  to  pay  for  shot  and  shell  to  shoot 
Democrats  with.  We  found  that  we  could  get  along  with 
a  few  less  Democrats,  but  not  with  any  less  country,  and 
so  we  borrowed  the  money,  arid  the  question  now  is,  will 
we  pay  it  ?  And  which  party  is  the  most  apt  to  pay  it,  the 
Republican  party,  that  made  the  debt — the  party  that  swore 
it  was  constitutional,  or  the  party  that  said  it  was  unconsti 
tutional  ?  Whenever  a  Democrat  sees  a  greenback,  the 
greenback  says  to  the  Democrat,  "  I  am  one  of  the  fellows 
that  whipped  you."  Whenever  a  Republican  sees  a  green 
back,  the  greenback  says  to  him,  "You  and  I  put  down 
the  rebellion  and  saved  the  country."  Now,  my  friends, 
you  have  heard  a  great  deal  about  finances.  Nearly  everj- 


GREAT    SPEECHES.  39 

body  that  talks  about  it  gets  as  dry as  if  they  had  been 

in  the  final  home  of  the  Democratic  party  for  forty  years. 

INGERSOLL   ON  THE   MONEY    QUESTION. 

I  will  give  you  my  ideas  about  finances.  In  the  first 
place  the  government  don't  support  the  people  ;  the  people 
support  the  government.  The  government  passes  around 
the  hat,  the  government  passes  around  the  alms  dish. 
True  enough,  it  has  a  musket  behind  it,  but  it  is  a  perpetual, 
chronic  pauper.  It  passes,  I  told  you,  the  alms-dish,  and 
we  all  throw  in  our  share — except  Tilden.  This  govern 
ment  is  a  perpetual  consumer.  You  understand  me,  the 
government  don't  plow  ground,  the  government  don't 
raise  corn  and  wheat ;  the  government  is  simply  a  perpetual 
consumer ;  we  support  the  government.  Now,  the  idea 
that  the  government  can  make  money  for  you  and  I  to  live 
on — why,  it  is  the  same  as  though  my  hired  man  should 
issue  certificates  of  my  indebtedness  to  him  for  me  to 
live  on. 

Some  people  tell  me  that  the  government  can  impress  its 
sovereignty  on  a  piece  of  paper,  and  that  is  money.  Well, 
if  it  is,  what's  the  use  of  wasting  it  making  one  dollar  bills? 
It  takes  no  more  ink  and  no  more  paper — why  not  make 
$1000  bills?  "Why  not  make  $100,000,000  bills  and  all  be 
billionaires  ? 

If  the  government  can  make  money,  what  on  earth  does 
it  collect  taxes  from  you  and  me  for?  Why  don't  it  make 
what  money  it  wants,  take  the  taxes  out,  and  give  the 
balance  to  us  ?  Mr.  Greenbacker,  suppose  the  government 
issued  $1,000,000,000  to-morrow,  how  would  you  get  any 
of  it?  (A  voice — Steal  it.)  I  was  not  speaking  to  the 
Democrats. — You  would  not  get  any  of  it  unless  you  had 
something  to  exchange  for  it.  The  government  would  nol 


4O  COL.    INGERSOLLS 

go  around  and  give  you  your  average.     You  have  to  have 
some  corn,  or  wheat,  or  pork  to  give  for  it. 

How  do  you  get  your  money  ?    By  work.     "Where  ;>om  ? 
You  have  to  dig  it  out  of  the  ground.     That   is   wh(   •*.  it 


comes  from.  In  old  times  there  were  some  men  T~  :o  th  i 
they  could  get  some  way  to  turn  the  baser  metals  into  feold. 
and  old  gray-haired  men,  trembling,  tottering  on  the  verge 
of  the  grave,  were  hunting  for  something  to  turn  ordinary 
metals  into  gold  ;  they  were  searching  for  the  fountain  of 
eternal  youth,  but  they  did  not  find  it.  No  human  ear  has 
ever  heard  the  silver  gurgle  of  the  spring  of  immortal 
youth. 

There  used  to  be  mechanics  that  tried  to  make  perpetual 
motion  by  combinations  of  wheels,  shifting  weights,  and 
rolling  balls  ;  but  somehow  the  machine  would  never  quite 
run.  A  perpetual  fountain  of  greenbacks,  of  wealth  with 
out  labor,  is  just  as  foolish  as  a  fountain  of  eternal  youth. 
The  idea  that  you  can  produce  money  without  labor  is  just 
as  foolish  as  the  idea  of  perpetual  motion.  They  are  old 
follies  under  new  names. 

Let  me  tell  you  another  thing.  The  Democrats  seem  to 
think  that  you  can  fail  to  keep  a  promise  so  long  that  it  is 
as  good  as  though  you  had  kept  it.  They  say  you  can 
stamp  the  sovereignty  of  the  government  upon  paper.  The 
other  day  I  saw  a  piece  of  silver  bearing  the  sovereign 
stamp  of  Julius  Caesar.  Julius  Caesar  has  been  dust  about 
two  thousand  years,  but  that  piece  of  silver  was  worth  just 
as  much  as  though  Julius  Caesar  was  at  the  head  of  the 
Roman  legions.  Was  it  his  sovereignty  that  made  it  valu 
able  ?  Suppose  he  had  put  it  upon  a  piece  of  paper  —  it 
would  have  been  of  no  more  value  than  a  Democratic 
promise. 

Another  thing,  rny  friends,  this  debt  will  be  paid  ;  you 
need  not  worry  about  that.  The  Democrats  ought  to  pay 


GREAT   SPEECHES.  41 

It.  They  lost  the  suit  and  they  ought  to  pay  the  costs. 
But  we  are  willing  to  pay  our  share.  It  will  be  paid.  The 
holders  of  the  debt  have  got  a  mortgage  on  a  continent 
They  have  a  mortgage  on  the  honor  of  the  Republican 
party,  and  it  is  on  record.  Every  blade  of  grj^ss  that 
grows  upon  this  continent  is  a  guarantee  that  the  debt  will 
be  paid  ;  every  field  of  bannered  corn  in  the  great,  glorious 
West  is  a  guarantee  that  the  debt  will  be  paid ;  all  the  coal 
put  away  in  the  ground  millions  of  years  ago  by  that  old 
miser,  the  sun,  is  a  guarantee  that  every  dollar  of  that  debt 
will  be  paid ;  all  the  cattle  on  the  prairies,  pastures  and 
plains,  every  one  of  them  is  a  guarantee  that  this  debt  will 
be  paid  ;  every  pine  standing  in  the  somber  forests  of  the 
North,  waiting  for  the  woodman's  ax,  is  a  guarantee  that 
this  debt  will  be  paid ;  all  the  gold  and  silver  hid  in  the 
Siei.^a  Nevadas,  waiting  for  the  miner's  pick,  is  a  guaran 
tee  th;it  the  debt  will  be  paid  ;  every  locomotive,  with  its 
muscles  of  iron  and  breath  of  flame,  and  all  the  boys  and 
girls  bending  over  their  books  at  school,  every  dimpled 
child  in  the  cradle,  every  good  man  and  every  good  woman, 
and  every  man  that  votes  the  Republican  ticket  is  r»,  guar 
antee  that  the  debt  will  be  Daid. 

MOKE   ELOQUENCE. 

What  is  the  next  question  ?  The  next  question  is,  will 
we  protect  the  Union  men  in  the  South  ?  I  tell  you  the 
white  Union  men  have  suffered  enough.  It  is  a  crime  in 
ihe  Southern  States  to  be  a  Republican.  It  is  a  crime  in 
every  Southern  State  to  love  this  country,  to  believe  in  the 
sacred  rights  of  men. 

I  tell  you  the  colored  people  have  suffered  enough.  They 
have  been  owned  by  Democrats  for  two  hundred  years. 
Worse  than  that :  they  have  been  forced  to  keep  the  com 
pany  of  their  owners.  It  is  a  terrible  thing  to  live  with  a 


42  COL.    INGERSOLLS 

man  that  steals  from  you.  They  have  suffered  enough. 
For  two  hundred  years  they  were  branded  like  cattle.  Yes, 
for  two  hundred  years  every  human  tie  was  torn  asunder 
by  the  cruel  hand  of  avarice  and  greed.  For  two  hundred 
years  children  were  sold  from  their  mothers,  husbands  from 
their  wives,  brothers  from  brothers,  and  sisters  from  sis 
ters.  There  was  not  during  the  whole  rebellion  a  single 
negro  that  was  not  our  friend.  We  are  willing  to  be  recon 
ciled  to  our  Southern  brethren  when  they  will  treat  our 
friends  as  men.  When  they  will  be  just  to  the  friends  of 
this  country ;  when  they  are  in  favor  of  allowing  every 
American  citizen  to  have  his  rights — then  we  are  their 
friends.  We  are  willing  to  trust  them  with  the  Nation 
when  they  are  the  friends  of  the  Nation.  We  are  willing 
to  trust  them  with  liberty  when  they  believe  in  liberty.  We 
are  willing  to  trust  them  with  the  black  man  when  they 
cease  riding  in  the  darkness  of  night — those  masked 
wretches — to  the  hut  of  the  freedman,  and  notwithstanding 
the  prayers  and  supplications  of  his  family,  shoot  him  down ; 
when  they  cease  to  consider  the  massacre  of  Hamburg  as  a 
Democratic  triumph,  then,  I  say,  we  will  be  their  friends, 
And  not  before. 

Now,  my  friends,  thousands  of  the  Southern  people,  and 
thousands  of  the  Northern  Democrats,  are  afraid  that  the 
negroes  are  going  to  pass  them  in  the  race  for  life.  And, 
Mr.  Democrat,  he  will  do  it  unless  you  attend  to  your  busi 
ness.  The  simple  fact  that  you  are  white  cannot  save  you 
always.  You  have  got  to  be  industrious,  honest,  to  culti 
vate  a  justice.  If  you  don't  the  colored  race  will  pass  you, 
as  sure  as  you  live.  I  am  for  giving  every  man  a  chance. 
Anybody  that  can  pass  me  is  welcome. 

I  believe,  my  friends,  that  the  intellectual  domain  of  the 
future,  like  the  land  used  to  be  in  the  State  of  Illinois,  is 
open  to  pre-emption.  The  fellow  that  gets  a  fact  first,  that 


GREAT   SPEECHES.  43 

is  his  ;  that  gets  an  idea  first,  that  is  his.  Every  round  in 
the  ladder  of  fame,  from  the  one  that  touches  the  ground 
to  the  last  one  that  leans  against  the  shining  summit  of 
ambition,  belongs  to  the  foot  that  gets  upon  it  first. 

Mr.  Democrat, — I  point  down  because  they  are  nearly  all 
on  the  first  round  of  the  ladder, — if  you  can't  climb,  stand 
one  side  and  let  the  deserving  negro  pass. 

INGERSOLL'S  BIG  HORSE-RACE. 

I  must  tell  you  one  thing.  I  have  told  it  so  much,  and 
you  have  all  heard  it,  I  have  no  doubt,  fifty  times  from 
others,  but  I  am  going  to  tell  it  again  because  I  like  it. 

Suppose  there  was  a  great  horse-race  here  to-day,  free  to 
every  horse  in  the  world,  and  to  all  the  mules,  and  all  the 
scrubs,  and  all  the  donkeys.  At  the  tap  of  the  drum  they 
come  to  the  line,  and  the  judges  say  "it  is  a  go."  Let  me 
ask  you,  what  does  the  blooded  horse,  rushing  ahead,  with 
nostrils  distended,  drinking  in  the  breath  of  his  own  swift 
ness,  with  his  mane  flying  like  F  oanner  of  victory,  with  his 
veins  standing  out  all  over  him,  as  if  a  net  of  life  had  been 
cast  around  him — with  his  thin  i  sck,  his  high  withers,  his 
tremulous  flanks — what  does  he  care  how  many  mules  and 
donkeys  run  on  that  track?  But  the  Democratic  scrub, 
with  his  chuckle-head  and  lop-ears,  with  his  tail  full  of 
cuckle-burs,  jumping  high  and  short,  and  digging  in  the 
ground  when  he  feels  the  breath  of  the  coming  mule  on  his 
cuckle-bur  tail,  he  is  the  chap  that  jumps  the  track  and 
says,  "I  am  down  on  mule  equality." 

My  friends,  the  Republican  party  is  the  blooded  horse  in 
this  race. 

I  stood,  a  little  while  ago,  in  the  city  of  Paris,  where 
stood  the  Bastile,  where  now  stands  the  column  of  July, 
surmounted  by  the  figure  of  liberty.  In  its  right  hand  is  a 
broken  chain,  in  its  left  hand  a  banner ;  upon  its  shining 


44  COL.   INGERSOLLS 

forehead  a  glittering  star — and  as  I  looked  upon  it  I  said, 
such  is  the  Republican  party  of  my  country.  The  other  day 
going  along  the  road  I  came  to  the  place  where  the  road 
had  been  changed,  but  the  guide-board  was  as  they  had 
put  it  twenty  years  before.  It  pointed  diligently  in  the 
direction  of  a  desolate  field.  Now,  that  guide-post  had  been 
there  for  twenty  years.  Thousands  of  people  passed,  but 
nobody  heeded  the  hand  on  the  guide-post,  and  it  stuck 
there  through  storm  and  shine,  and  it  pointed  as  hard  as 
ever  as  if  the  road  was  through  the  desolate  field  ;  and  I 
said  to  myself,  such  is  the  Democratic  party  of  the  United 
States. 

The  other  day  I  came  to  a  river  where  there  had  been  a 
mill ;  a  part  of  it  was  there  yet.  An  old  sign  said,  "  Cash 
for  wheat."  The  old  water-wheel  was  broken,  and  it  had 
been  warped  by  the  sun,  cracked  and  split  by  many  winds 
and  storms.  There  hadn't  been  a  grain  of  wheat  ground 
there  for  twenty  years.  There  was  nothing  in  good  order 
but  the  dam ;  it  was  as  good  a  dam  as  ever  I  saw,  and  I 
said  to  myself,  "such  is  the  Democratic  party."  I  was 
going  along  the  road  the  other  day,  when  I  came  to  where 
there  had  once  been  a  hotel.  But  the  hotel  and  barn  had 
burned  down  ;  nothing  remained  but  the  two  chimneys, 
monuments  of  the  disaster.  In  the  road  there  was  an  old 
sign,  upon  which  were  these  words:  "Entertainment  for 
man  and  beast."  The  word  "man"  was  nearly  burned 
out.  There  hadn't  been  a  hotel  there  for  thirty  years. 
That  sign  had  swung  and  creaked  in  the  wind  ;  the  snow 
had  fallen  upon  it  in  the  winter,  the  birds  had  sung  upon  it 
in  the  summer.  Nobody  ever  stopped  at  that  hotel ;  but 
the  sign  stuck  to  it  and  kept  swearing  to  it,  "Entertain 
ment  for  man  and  beast,"  and  I  said  to  myself,  "  Such  is 
the  Democratic  party  of  the  United  States." 

Now,  my  friends,  I  want  you  to  vote  the  Republican 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  4$ 

ticket.  I  want  you  to  swear  you  will  not  vote  for  a  man 
who  opposed  putting  down  the  rebellion.  I  want  you  to 
ewear  that  you  will  not  vote  for  a  man  opposed  to  the  utter 
abolition  of  slavery.  I  want  you  to  swear  that  you  will 
not  vote  for  a  man  who  called  the  soldiers  in  the  field  Lin 
coln  hirelings.  I  want  you  to  swear  that  you  will  not  vote 
for  a  man  who  denounced  Lincoln  as  a  tyrant.  I  want  you 
to  swear  that  you  will  not  vote  for  any  enemy  of  human 
progress.  Go  and  talk  to  every  Democrat  that  you  can 
see ;  get  him  by  the  coat-collar,  talk  to  him,  and  hold  him 
like  Coleridge's  Ancient  mariner,  with  your  glittering  eye; 
hold  him,  tell  him  all  the  mean  things  his  party  ever  did ; 
tell  him  kindly ;  tell  him  in  a  Christian  spirit,  as  I  do,  but 
tell  him.  Recollect  there  never  was  a  more  important 
election  than  the  one  you  are  going  to  hold  in  Indiana.  I 
want  you  every  one  to  swear  that  you  will  vote  for  glorious 
Ben  Harrison.  I  tell  you  we  must  stand  by  the  country. 
It  is  a  glorious  country.  It  permits  you  and  me  to  be  free. 
It  is  the  only  country  in  the  world  where  labor  is  respected. 
Let  us  support  it.  It  is  the  only  country  in  the  world 
where  the  useful  man  is  the  only  aristocrat.  The  man  that 
works  for  a  dollar  a  day,  goes  home  at  night  to  his  little 
ones,  taking  his  little  boy  on  his  knee,  and  he  thinks  that 
boy  can  achieve  anything  that  the  sons  of  the  wealthy  man 
can  achieve.  The  free  schools  are  open  to  him ;  he  may 
be  the  richest,  the  greatest,  and  the  grandest,  and  that 
thought  sweetens  every  drop  of  sweat  that  rolls  down  the 
honest  face  of  toil.  Yote  to  save  that  country. 

INGEBSOLL'S  BEAUTIFUL  DREAM. 

MY  friends,  this  country  is  getting  better  every  day. 
Samuel  J.  Tilden  says  we  are  a  nation  of  thieves  and  ras 
cals  If  that  is  so  he  ought  to  be  the  President.  But  I 
denounce  him  as  a  calumniator  of  my  country ;  a  maliguer 


46  COL,  INGERSOLL'S 

of  this  nation.  It  is  not  so.  This  country  is  covered  with  asy 
lums  for  the  aged,  the  helpless,  the  insane,  the  orphan,  wound 
ed  soldiers.  Thieves  and  rascals  don't  build  such  things. 
In  the  cities  of  the  Atlantic  coast  this  summer,  they  built 
floating  hospitals,  great  ships,  and  took  the  little  children 
from  the  sub-cellars  and  narrow,  dirty  streets  of  New  York 
city,  where  the  Democratic  party  is  the  strongest, — took 
these  poor  waifs  and  put  them  in  these  great  hospitals  out  at 
sea,  and  let  the  breezes  of  oceau  kiss  the  roses  of  health 
back  to  their  pallid  cheeks.  Rascals  and  thieves  do  not  do 
so.  When  Chicago  burned,  railroads  were  blocked  with 
the  charity  of  the  American  Deople.  Thieves  and  rascals 
did  not  do  so. 

I  am  a  Republican.  The  world  is  getting  better.  Hus 
bands  are  treating  their  wives  better  than  they  used  to ; 
wives  are  treating  their  husbands  better.  Children  are 
better  treated  than  they  used  to  be ;  the  old  whips  and  gods 
are  out  of  the  schools,  and  they  are  governing  children  by 
love  and  by  sense.  The  world  is  getting  better ;  it  is  get 
ting  better  in  Maine.  It  has  got  better  in  Maine,  in  Ver 
mont.  It  is  getting  better  in  every  State  of  the  North. 

I  have  a  dream  that  this  world  is  growing  better  and  bet 
ter  every  day  and  every  year ;  that  there  is  more  charity, 
more  justice,  more  love  every  day.  I  have  a  dream  that 
prisons  will  not  always  curse  the  earth ;  that  the  shadow 
of  the  gallows  will  not  always  fall  on  the  land ;  that  the 
withered  hand  of  want  will  not  always  be  stretched  out  for 
charity ;  that  finally  wisdom  will  sit  in  the  legislature,  just 
ice  in  the  courts,  charity  will  occupy  all  the  pulpits,  and 
that  finally  the  world  will  be  controlled  by  liberty  and  love, 
by  justice  and  charity.  That  is  my  dream,  and  if  it  does 
not  come  true,  it  shall  not  be  my  fault.  Good-bye.  (Im 
mense  and  prolonged  cheering.) 


COL.  INGERSOLL'S  GREAT  SPEECH  ON  THE 
DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 


THE  GRANDEST    OF    DOCUMENTS. 

[From  the  Indianapolis  Journal.] 

LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN:  —  The  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence  is  the  grandest,  the  bravest,  and  the  profoundest 
political  document  that  was  ever  signed  by  the  represent 
atives  of  the  people.  It  is  the  embodiment  of  physical  and 
moral  courage  and  of  political  wisdom. 

I  say  physical  courage,  because  it  was  a  declaration  of 
war  against  the  most  powerful  nation  then  on  the  globe;  a 
declaration  of  war  by  thirteen  weak,  unorganized  colonies ; 
a  declaration  of  war  by  a  few  people,  without  military 
stores,  without  wealth,  without  strength,  against  the  most 
powerful  kingdom  on  the  earth  ;  a  declaration  of  war  made 
when  the  British  navy,  at  that  day  the  mistress  of  every 
sea,  was  hovering  along  the  coast  of  America,  looking  after 
defenseless  towns  and  villages  to  ravage  and  destroy.  It 
was  made  when  thousands  of  English  soldiers  were  upon 
our  soil,  and  when  the  principal  cities  of  America  were  in 
the  substantial  possession  of  the  enemy.  And  so,  I  say, 
all  things  considered,  it  was  the  bravest  political  document 
ever  signed  by  man.  And  if  it  was  physically  brave,  the 
moral  courage  of  the  document  is  almost  infinitely  beyond 
the  physical.  They  had  the  courage  not  only,  but  they 

M. 


48  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

had  the  almost  infinite  wisdom,  to  declare  that  all  men  are 
created  equal. 

With  one  blow,  with  one  stroke  of  the  pen,  they  struck 
down  all  the  cruel,  heartless  barriers  that  aristocracy,  that 
priestcraft,  that  kingcraft  had  raised  between  man  and  man. 
They  struck  down  with  one  immortal  blow  that  infamous 
spirit  of  caste  that  makes  a  god  almost  a  beast,  and  a  beast 
almost  a  god.  With  one  word,  with  one  blow,  they  wiped 
away  and  utterly  destroyed  all  that  had  been  done  by  cen 
turies  of  war — centuries  of  hypocrisy — centuries  of  in 
justice. 

What  more  did  they  do  ?  Then  they  declared  that  each 
man  has  a  right  to  live.  And  what  does  that  mean  ?  It 
means  that  he  has  tl  e  right  to  make  his  living.  It  means 
that  he  has  the  right  to  breathe  the  air,  to  work  the  land, 
that  he  stands  the  equal  of  every  other  human  being  be 
neath  the  shining  stars ;  entitled  to  the  product  of  his  labor 
— the  labor  of  his  hand  and  of  his  brain. 

What  more  ?  That  every  man  has  the  right  to  pursue 
his  own  happiness  in  his  own  way.  Grander  words  than 
these  have  never  been  spoken  by  man. 

And  what  more  did  these  men  say  ?  They  laid  down 
the  doctrine  that  governments  were  instituted  among  men 
for  the  purpose  of  preserving  the  rights  of  the  people.  The 
old  idea  was  that  people  existed  solely  for  the  benefit  of 
the  State — that  is  to  say,  for  kings  and  nobles. 

The  old  idea  was  that  the  people  were  the  wards  of  king 
and  priest — that  their  bodies  belonged  to  one  and  their 
souls  to  the  other. 

A  REVELATION  AND  REVOLUTION. 

And  what  more?  That  the  people  are  the  source  of 
political  power.  That  was  not  only  a  revelation,  but  it  was 
a  revolution.  It  changed  the  ideas  of  people  with  regard 


GREAT   SPEECHES.  49 

to  the  source  of  political  power.  For  the  first  time  it  made 
human  beings  men.  What  was  the  old  idea  ?  The  old 
idea  was  that  no  political  power  came  from,  nor  in  any 
manner  belonged  to,  the  people.  The  old  idea  was  that 
the  political  power  came  from  the  clouds ;  that  the  political 
power  came  in  some  miraculous  way  from  heaven  ;  that  it 
came  down  to  kings,  and  queens,  and  robbers.  That  was 
the  old  idea.  The  nobles  lived  upon  the  labor  of  the 
people ;  the  people  had  no  rights ;  the  nobles  stole  what 
they  had  and  divided  with  the  kings,  and  the  kings  pre 
tended  to  divide  what  they  stole  with  God  Almighty.  The 
source,  then,  of  political  power  was  from  above.  The 
people  were  responsible  to  the  nobles,  the  nobles  to  the 
king,  and  the  people  had  no  political  rights  whatever,  no 
more  than  the  wild  beasts  of  the  forest.  The  kings  were 
responsible  to  God,  not  to  the  people.  The  kings  were 
responsible  to  the  clouds,  not  to  the  toiling  millions  they 
robbed  and  plundered. 

And  our  forefathers,  in  this  declaration  of  independence, 
reversed  this  thing,  and  said :  No,  the  people,  they  are  the 
source  of  political  power,  and  their  rulers,  these  presidents, 
these  kings,  are  but  the  agents  and  servants  of  the  great, 
sublime  people.  For  the  first  time,  really,  in  the  history 
of  the  world,  the  king  was  made  to  get  off  the  throne  and 
the  people  were  royally  seated  thereon.  The  people  be 
came  the  sovereigns,  and  the  old  sovereigns  became  the 
servants  and  the  agents  of  the  people.  It  is  hard  for  you 
and  me  now  to  imagine  even  the  immense  results  of  that 
change.  It  is  hard  for  you  and  me,  at  this  day,  to  under, 
stand  how  thoroughly  it  had  been  ingrained  in  the  brain  of 
almost  every  man,  that  the  king  had  some  wonderful  right 
over  him ;  that  in  some  strange  way  the  king  owned  him  ; 
that  in  some  miraculous  manner  he  belonged,  jbody  and 
soul,  to  somebody  who  rode  on  a  horse,  to  somebody  with 


5o  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

epaulettes  on  his  shoulders,  and  a  tinsel  crown  upon  his 
brainless  head. 

Our  forefathers  had  been  educated  in  that  idea,  and  when 
they  first  landed  on  American  shores  they  believed  it. 
They  thought  they  belonged  to  somebody,  and  that  they 
must  be  loyal  to  some  thief,  who  could  trace  his  pedigree 
back  to  antiquity's  most  successful  robber. 

It  took  a  long  time  for  them  to  get  that  idea  out  of  their 
heads  and  hearts.  They  were  three  thousand  miles  away 
from  the  despotisms  of  the  old  world,  and  every  wave  of 
the  sea  was  an  assistant  to  them.  The  distance  helped 
to  disenchant  their  minds  of  that  infamous  belief,  and  every 
mile  between  them  and  the  pomp  and  glory  of  monarchy 
helped  to  put  republican  ideas  and  thoughts  into  their  minds. 
Besides  that,  when  they  came  to  this  country,  when  the 
savage  was  in  the  forest  and  three  thousand  miles  of 
waves  on  the  other  side,  menaced  by  barbarians  on  the  one 
side,  and  famine  on  the  other,  they  learned  that  a  man  who 
had  courage,  a  man  who  had  thought,  was  as  good  as  any 
other  man  in  the  world,  and  they  built  up,  as  it  were,  in 
spite  of  themselves,  little  republics.  And  the  man  that 
had  the  most  nerve  and  heart  was  the  best  man,  whether 
he  had  any  noble  blood  in  his  veins  or  not. 

THE   EDUCATION   OF   NATUBE. 

It  has  been  a  favorite  idea  with  me  that  our  forefatlw^ 
were  educated  by  nature  ;  that  they  grew  grand  as  the 
continent  upon  which  they  landed  ;  that  the  grea.  rivers — 
the  wide  plains — the  splendid  lakes — the  lonely  forests — 
the  sublime  mountains — that  all  these  things  stole  into  and 
became  a  part  of  their  being,  and  they  gre\»  great  as  the 
country  in  which  they  lived.  They  began  to  hate  the 
narrow,  contracted  views  of  Europe.  Thty  were  educated 
by  their  surroundings,  and  every  little  colony  had  to  be, 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  5 1 

to  a  certain  extent,  a  republic.  The  kings  of  the  old 
world  endeavored  to  parcel  out  this  land  to  their  favorites. 
But  there  were  too  rnauy  Indians.  There  was  too  much 
courage  required  for  them  to  take  and  keep  it,  and  so  men 
had  to  come  here  who  were  dissatisfied  with  the  old  country 
— who  were  dissatisfied  with  England,  dissatisfied  with 
France,  with  Germany,  with  Ireland  and  Holland.  The 
kings'  favorites  stayed  at  home.  Men  came  here  for  liberty, 
and  on  account  of  certain  principles  they  entertained  and 
held  dearer  than  life.  And  they  were  willing  to  work, 
willing  to  fell  the  forests,  to  fight  tlr  savages,  willing  to  go 
through  all  the  hardships,  perils  and  dangers  of  a  new 
country,  of  a  new  land ;  and  the  consequence  was  that  our 
country  was  settled  by  brave  and  adventurous  spirits,  by 
men  who  had  opinions  of  their  own,  and  were  willing  to 
live  in  the  wild  forests  for  the  sake  of  expressing  those 
opinions,  even  it  they  expressed  them  only  to  trees,  rocks, 
and  savage  men.  The  best  blood  of  the  old  world  came  to 
the  new. 

THE   KISE   OF   THE    REPUBLIC — LIBERTY   AND   TOLERATION. 

When  they  first  came  over  they  did  not  have  a  great  deal 
of  political  philosophy,  nor  the  best  ideas  of  liberty.  We 
might  as  well  tell  the  truth.  When  the  puritans  first  came 
they  were  narrow.  They  did  not  understand  what  liberty 
meant — what  religious  liberty,  what  political  liberty,  was ; 
but  they  found  out  in  a  few  years.  There  was  one  feeling 
among  them  that  rises  to  their  eternal  honor  like  a  white 
shaft  to  the  clouds — they  were  in  favor  of  universal  educa 
tion.  Wherever  they  went  they  built  school  houses,  intro 
duced  books,  and  ideas  of  literature.  They  believed  that 
every  man  should  know  how  to  read  and  how  to  write,  and 
should  find  out  all  that  his  capacity  allowed  him  to  compre 
hend.  That  is  the  glory  of  the  Puritan  fathers. 


52  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

Tney  forgot  in  a  little  while  what  they  had  suffered,  and 
they  forgot  to  apply  the  principle  of  universal  liberty — of 
toleration.  Some  of  the  colonies  did  not  forget  it,  and  I 
want  to  give  credit  where  credit  should  be  given.  The 
Catholics  of  Maryland  were  the  first  people  on  the  new 
continent  to  declare  universal  religious  toleration.  Let  this 
be  remembered  to  their  eternal  honor.  Let  it  be  remem 
bered  to  the  disgrace  of  the  Protestant  government  of  Eng 
land,  that  it  caused  this  grand  law  to  be  repealed.  And  to 
the  honor  and  credit  of  the  Catholics  of  Maryland  let  it  be 
remembered,  that  the  moment  they  got  back  into  powei 
they  re-enacted  the  old  law.  The  Baptists  of  Rhode  Island, 
also,  led  by  Roger  Williams,  were  in  favor  of  universal 
religious  liberty. 

No  American  should  fail  to  honor  Roger  Williams.  He 
was  the  first  grand  advocate  of  the  liberty  of  the  soul.  He 
was  in  favor  of  the  eternal  divorce  of  Church  and  State. 
So  far  as  I  know,  he  was  the  only  man  at  that  time  in  this 
country  who  was  in  favor  of  real  religious  liberty.  While 
the  Catholics  of  Maryland  declared  in  favor  of  religious 
toleration,  they  had  no  idea  of  religious  liberty.  They 
would  not  allow  any  one  to  call  in  question  the  doctrine  of 
the  trinity,  or  the  inspiration  of  the  scriptures.  They  stood 
ready  with  branding-iron  and  gallows  to  burn  and  choke 
out  of  man  the  idea  that  he  had  a  right  to  think  and  to 
express  his  thoughts. 

So  many  religions  met  in  our  country — so  many  theories 
and  dogmas  came  in  contact — so  many  follies,  mistakes  and 
stupidities  became  acquainted  with  each  other,  that  religion 
began  to  fall  somewhat  into  dispute.  Besides  this,  the 
question  of  a  new  nation  began  to  take  precedence  of  all 
others. 

The  people  were  too  much  interested  in  this  world  to 
quarrel  about  the  next.  The  preacher  was  lost  in  the 


GREAT   SPEECHES.  5i 

patriot.     The  bible  was  read  to  find  passages  against  kings. 

Everybody  was  discussing  the  rights  of  man.  Farmers 
and  mechanics  suddenly  became  statesmen,  and  in  every 
shop  and  cabin  nearly  every  question  was  asked  and 
answered. 

During  these  years  of  political  excitement,  the  interest  in 
religion  abated  to  that  degree  that  a  common  purpose  ani 
mated  men  of  all  sects  and  creeds. 

At  last  our  fathers  became  tired  of  being  colonists — tired 
of  writing  and  reading  and  signing  petitions,  and  present 
ing  them,  on  their  bended  knees,  to  an  idiot  king.  They 
began  to  have  an  aspiration  to  form  a  new  nation,  to  be 
citizens  of  a  new  republic  instead  of  subjects  to  an  old 
monarchy.  They  had  the  idea — the  Puritans,  the  Catho 
lics,  the  Episcopalians,  the  Baptists,  the  Quakers,  and  a 
few  Free-Thinkers,  all  had  the  idea — that  they  would  like 
to  form  a  new  nation. 

Now,  do  not  understand  that  all  of  our  fathers  were  in 
favor  of  independence.  Do  not  understand  that  they  were  all 
like  Jefferson ;  that  they  were  all  like  Adams  or  Lee ;  that 
they  were  all  like  Thomas  Paine  or  John  Hancock.  There 
were  thousands  and  thousands  of  them  who  were  opposed 
to  American  independence.  There  were  thousands  and 
thousands  who  said:  "When  yon  say  men  are  created 
equal,  it  is  a  lie  ;  when  you  say  the  political  power  resides 
in  the  great  body  of  the  people,  it  is  false."  Thousands 
and  thousands  of  them  said :  "  We  prefer  Great  Britain." 
But  the  men  who  were  in  favor  of  independence,  the  men 
who  knew  that  a  new  nation  must  be  born,  went  on  full  of 
hope  and  courage,  and  nothing  could  daunt  or  stop  or  stay 
the  heroic,  fearless  few. 

They  met  in  Philadelphia,  and  the  resolution  was  moved 
by  Lee,  of  Virginia,  that  the  colonies  ought  to  be  inde- 


54  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

pendent  States,  and  ought  to  dissolve  their  political  connec 
tion  with  Great  Britain. 

They  made  up  their  minds  that  a  new  nation  must  be 
formed.  All  nations  had  been,  so  to  speak,  the  wards  of 
some  church.  The  religious  idea  as  to  the  source  of  power 
had  been  at  the  foundation  of  all  governments,  and  had 
been  the  bane  and  curse  of  man. 

Happily  for  us,  there  was  no  church  strong  enough  to 
dictate  to  the  rest.  Fortunately  for  us,  the  colonists  not 
only,  but  the  colonies  differed  widely  in  their  religious 
views.  There  were  the  Puritans  who  hated  the  Episco 
palians,  and  Episcopalians  who  hated  the  Catholics,  and 
the  Catholics  who  hated  both,  while  the  Quakers  held  them 
all  in  contempt.  There  they  were,  of  every  sort,  and  color, 
and  kind,  and  how  was  it  that  they  came  together  ?  They 
had  a  common  aspiration.  They  wanted  to  form  a  new 
nation.  More  than  that,  most  of  them  cordially  hated 
Great  Britain  ;  and  they  pledged  each  other  to  forget  these 
religious  preiudices,  for  a  time  at  least,  and  agreed  that 
there  should  be  only  one  religion  until  they  got  through, 
and  that  was  the  religion  of  patriotism.  They  solemnly 
agreed  that  the  new  nation  should  not  belong  to  any  partic 
ular  church,  but  that  it  should  secure  the  rights  of  all. 

Our  fathers  founded  the  first  secular  government  that  was 
ever  founded  in  this  world.  Recollect  that.  The  first  sec 
ular  government;  the  first  government  that  said  every 
church  has  exactly  the  same  rights,  and  no  more  ;  every 
religion  has  the  same  rights  and  no  more.  In  other  words 
our  fathers  were  the  first  men  who  had  the  sense,  had  the 
genius,  to  know  that  no  church  should  be  allowed  to  have 
a  sword ;  that  it  should  be  allowed  only  to  exert  its  moral 
influence. 

You  might"  as  well  have  a  government  united  by  force 
with  Art,  or  with  Poetry,  or  with  Oratory,  as  with  Relig- 


GREAT   SPEECHES.  55 

ion.  Religion  should  have  the  influence  upon  mankind 
that  its  goodness,  that  its  morality,  its  justice,  its  charity, 
its  reason  and  its  argument  give  it,  and  no  more.  Religion 
should  have  the  effect  upon  mankind  that  it  necessarily  has, 
and  no  more. 

So  our  fathers  said:  "We  shall  form  a  secular  govern 
ment,  and  under  the  flag  with  which  we  are  going  to  enrich 
the  air,  we  will  allow  every  man  to  worship  God  as  he 
thinks  best."  They  said  :  "  Religion  is  an  individual  thing 
between  each  man  and  his  Creator,  and  he  can  worship  as 
he  pleases  and  as  he  desires."  And  why  did  they  do  this? 
The  history  of  the  world  warned  them  that  the  liberty  of 
man  was  not  safe  in  the  clutch  and  grasp  of  any  church. 
They  had  read  of  and  seen  the  thumb-screws,  the  racks  and 
the  dungeons  of  .the  inquisition.  They  knew  all  about  the 
hypocrisy  of  the  olden  time.  They  knew  that  the  church 
had  stood  side  by  side  with  the  throne;  that  the  high 
priests  were  hypocrites,  and  that  the  kings  were  robbers. 
They  also  knew  that  if  they  gave  to  any  church  power,  it 
would  corrupt  the  best  church  in  the  world.  And  so  they 
said  that  power  must  not  reside  in  a  church,  nor  in  a  sect, 
but  power  must  be  wherever  humanity  is — in  the  great  body 
of  the  people.  And  the  officers  and  servants  of  the  people 
must  be  responsible  to  them.  And  so  I  say  agpjn,  as  I 
said  in  the  commencement,  this  is  the  wisest,  the  profound- 
est,  the  bravest  political  document  that  ever  was  written 
and  signed  by  man. 

They  turned,  as  I  tell  you,  everything  squarely  about. 
They  derived  ail  their  authority  from  the  people.  They 
did  away  forever  with  the  theological  idea  of  government. 

And  what  more  did  they  say  ?  They  said  that  whenever 
the  rulers  abused  this  authority,  this  power,  incapable  of 
destruction,  returned  to  the  people.  How  did  they  come 
to  say  this  ?  I  will  tell  you ;  they  were  pushed  into  it. 


56  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

How  i  They  felt  that  they  were  oppressed ;  and  when evei 
a  man  feels  that  he  is  the  subject  of  injustice,  his  perception 
of  right  and  wrong  is  wonderfully  quickened. 

Nobody  was  ever  in  prison  wrongfully  who  did  not  be 
lieve  in  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus.  Nobody  ever  suffered 
wrongfully  without  instantly  having  ideas  of  justice. 

And  they  began  to  inquire  what  rights  the  king  of  Great 
Britain  had.  They  began  to  search  for  the  charter  of  his 
authority.  They  began  to  investigate  and  dig  down  to  the 
bed-rock  upon  which  society  must  be  founded,  and  when 
they  got  there,  forced  there,  too,  by  their  oppressors,  forced 
against  their  own  prejudices  and  education,  they  found  at 
the  bottom  of  things,  not  lords,  not  nobles,  not  pulpits,  not 
thrones,  but  humanity,  and  the  rights  of  men. 

And  so  they  said,  we  are  men ;  we  are  MEN. 
A  NATION. 

They  found  out  they  were  men.  And  the  next  thing 
they  said  was :  "  We  will  be  free  men ;  we  are  weary  oi 
being  colonists  ;  we  are  tired  of  being  subjects  ;  we  are  men; 
and  these  colonies  ought  to  be  states ;  and  these  states 
ought  to  be  a  nation ;  and  that  nation  ought  to  drive  the 
last  British  soldier  into  the  sea."  And  so  they  signed  that 
brave  declaration  of  independence. 

I  thank  every  one  of  them  from  the  bottom  of  my  heart 
for  signing  that  sublime  declaration.  I  thank  them  for  their 
courage — for  their  patriotism — for  their  wisdom — for  the 
splendid  confidence  in  themselves  and  in  the  human  race. 
I  thank  them  for  what  they  were,  and  for  what  we  are — 
for  what  they  did,  and  for  what  we  have  received — for  what 
they  suffered,  and  for  what  we  enjoy. 

What  would  we  have  been  if  we  had  remained  colonists 
and  subjects?  What  would  we  have  been  to-day?  No* 
bodies — ready  to  get  down  on  our  knees  and  crawl  in  the 
very  dust  at  the  sight  of  somebody  that  was  supposed  to 


GREAT   SPEECHES.  5  7 

have  in  him  some  drop  of  blood  that  flowed  in  the  veins  of 
that  mailed  marauder  — William  the  Conqueror. 

They  signed  that  declaration  of  independence,  although 
they  knew  that  it  would  produce  a  long,  terrible,  and 
bloody  war.  They  looked  forward  and  saw  poverty,  depri 
vation,  gloom,  and  death.  But  they  also  saw,  on  the  wrecked 
clouds  of  war,  the  beautiful  bow  of  freedom. 

These  grand  men  were  enthusiasts ;  and  the  world  has 
only  been  raised  by  enthusiasts.  In  every  country  there 
have  been  a  few  who  have  given  a  national  aspiration  to 
the  people.  The  enthusiasts  ef  1776  were  the  builders  and 
framers  of  this  great  and  splendid  government ;  and  they 
were  the  men  who  saw,  although  others  did  not,  the  golden 
fringe  of  the  mantle  of  glory,  that  will  finally  cover  this 
world.  They  knew,  they  felt,  they  believed  they  would 
give  a  new  constellation  to  the  political  heavens — that  they 
would  make  the  Americans  a  grand  people — grand  as  the 
continent  upon  which  they  lived. 

The  war  commenced.  There  was  little  money  and  less 
credit.  The  new  nation  had  but  few  friends.  To  a  great 
extent,  each  soldier  of  freedom  had  to  clothe  and  feed  him 
self.  He  was  poor  and  pure — brave  and  good,  and  so  he 
went  to  the  fields  of  death  to  fight  for  the  rights  of  man. 

"What  did  the  soldier  leave  when  he  went?  He  left  his 
wife  and  children. 

Did  he  leave  them  in  a  beautiful  home,  surrounded  by 
civilization,  in  the  repose  of  law,  in  the  security  of  a  great 
and  powerful  republic  ? 

No.  He  left  his  wife  and  children  on  the  edge,  on  the 
fringe  of  the  boundless  forest,  in  which  crouched  and  crept 
the  red  savage,  who  was  at  that  time  the  ally  of  the  still 
more  savage  Briton.  He  left  his  wife  to  defend  herself, 
and  he  left  the  prattling  babes  to  be  defended  by  their 
mother  and  by  nature.  The  mother  made  the  living ;  she 


58  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

planted  the  corn  and  the  potatoes,  and  hoed  them  in  the 
eitii,  raised  the  children,  and  in  the  dark  night  told  them 
about  their  brave  father,  and  the  "sacred  cause,"  she  told 
them  that  in  a  little  while  the  war  would  be  over,  and  father 
would  come  back  covered  with  honor  and  glory. 

Think  of  the  women,  of  the  sweet  children  who  listened 
for  the  footsteps  of  the  dead — who  waited  through  the  sad 
and  desolated  years  for  the  dear  ones  who  never  came. 

LIBERTY   OR   DEATH. 

The  soldiers  of  1776  did  not  march  away  with  music  and 
banners.  They  went  in  silence,  looked  at  and  gazed  after 
by  eyes  filled  with  tears.  They  went  to  meet,  not  an  equal, 
but  a  superior — to  fight  five  times  their  number — to  make  a 
desperate  stand — to  stop  the  advance  of  the  enemy,  and 
then,  when  their  ammunition  gave  out,  seek  the  protection 
of  rocks,  of  rivers,  and  of  hills. 

Let  me  say  here :  The  greatest  test  of  courage  on  the 
earth  is  to  bear  defeat  without  losing  heart.  That  army  is 
the  bravest  that  can  be  whipped  the  greatest  number  of 
times  and  fight  again. 

Over  the  entire  territory,  so  to  speak,  then  settled  by  our 
forefathers,  they  were  driven  again  and  again.  Now  and 
then  they  would  meet  the  English  with  something  like  equal 
numbers,  and  then  the  eagle  of  victory  would  proudly  perch 
upon  the  stripes  and  stars.  And  so  they  went  cr  *s  best 
they  could,  hoping  and  fighting  until  they  came  to  the  dark 
and  somber  gloom  of  Valley  Forge. 

There  were  very  few  hearts  than  beneath  that  flag  that 
did  not  begin  to  think  that  the  struggle  was  useless  ;  that 
ail  the  blood  and  treasure  had  been  spent  and  shed  in  vain. 
But  there  were  some  men  gifted  with  that  wonderful  proph 
ecy  that  fulfills  itself,  and  with  that  wonderful  magnetic 
power  that  makes  heroes  of  everybody  they  come  in  contact 
with.  And  so  our  fathers  went  through  the  gloom  of  that  ter~ 


GREAT   SPEECHES.  5g 

rible  time,  and  still  fought  on.  Brave  men  wrote  g.'and 
words,  cheering  the  despondent;  brave  men  did  brave 
deeds ;  the  rich  man  gave  his  wealth  ;  the  poor  man  gave 
his  life,  until  at  last,  by  the  victory  of  Yorktown,  the  old 
banner  won  its  place  in  the  air,  and  became  glorious  forever. 

Seven  long  years  of  war — fighting  for  what?  For  the 
principle  that  all  men  are  created  equal — a  truth  that  no 
body  ever  disputed  except  a  scoundrel ;  nobody  in  the 
entire  history  of  this  world.  No  man  ever  denied  that 
truth  who  was  not  a  rascal,  and  at  heart  a  thief;  never, 
never,  and  never  will.  What  else  were  they  fighting  for  \ 
Simply  that  in  America  every  man  should  have  a  right  to 
life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.  Nobody  ever 
denied  that  except  a  villian  ;  never,  never.  It  has  been 
denied  by  kings — they  were  thieves.  It  has  been  denied 
by  statesmen — they  were  liars.  It  has  been  denied  by 
priests,  by  clergymen,  by  cardinals,  by  bishops  and  by 
popes — they  were  hypocrites. 

What  else  were  they  fighting  for  ?  For  the  idea  that  all 
political  power  is  vested  in  the  great  body  of  the  people. 
They  make  all  the  money ;  do  all  the  work.  They  plow 
the  land ;  cut  down  the  forests ;  they  produce  everything 
that  is  produced.  Then  who  shall  say  what  shall  be  done 
with  what  is  produced  except  the  producer  ?  Is  it  the  non- 
producing  thief,  sitting  on  a  throne,  surrounded  by  vermin  \ 

The  history  of  civilization  is  the  history  of  the  slow  and 
painful  enfranchisement  of  the  human  race.  In  the  older, 
times  the  family  was  a  monarchy,  the  father  being  the  mon 
arch.  The  mother  and  children  were  the  veriest  slaves. 
The  will  of  the  father  was  the  supreme  law.  He  had  tlu 
power  of  life  and  death.  It  took  thousands  of  years  to  civil 
ize  this  father,  thousand  s  of  years  to  make  the  condition  oi 
wife  and  mother  and  children  even  tolerable.  A  few  fam* 
ilies  constituted  a  tribe  ;  the  tribe  had  a  chief;  the  chief 


60  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

was  a  tyrant ;  a  few  tribes  formed  a  nation  ;  the  nation  was 
governed  by  a  king,  who  was  also  a  tyrant.  A  strong  na 
tion  robbed,  plundered,  and  took  captive  the  weaker  ones. 
This  was  the  commencement  of  human  slavery. 

THE  COLONEL  GROWS  ELOQUENT. 

It  is  not  possible  for  the  human  imagination  to  conceive 
of  the  horrors  of  slavery.  It  has  left  no  possible  wrong  un 
committed,  no  possible  crime  un perpetrated.  It  has  been 
practised  and  defended  by  all  nations  in  some  form.  It  has 
been  upheld  by  all  religions.  It  has  been  defended  by 
nearly  every  pulpit.  From  the  profits  derived  from  the 
slave  trade  churches  have  been  built,  cathedrals  reared  and 
priests  paid.  Slavery  has  been  blessed  by  bishop,  by  car 
dinal  and  by  pope.  It  has  received  the  sanction  of  states 
men,  of  kings,  of  queens.  Monarchs  have  shared  in  the 
profits.  Clergymen  have  taken  their  part  of  the  spoil,  re 
citing  passages  of  scripture  in  its  defense  at  the  same  time, 
and  judges  have  taken  their  portion  in  the  name  of  equity 
and  law. 

Only  a  few  years  ago  our  ancestors  were  slaves.  Only 
a  few  years  ago  they  passed  with  and  belonged  to  the  soil, 
like  coal  under  it  and  rocks  on  it.  Only  a  few  years  ago 
they  were  treated  like  beasts  of  burden,  worse  far  than  we 
treat  our  animals  at  the  present  day.  Only  a  few  years  ago 
it  was  a  crime  in  England  for  a  man  to  have  a  bible  in  his 
house,  a  crime  for  which  men  were  hanged,  and  their  bodies 
afterwards  burned.  Only  a  few  years  ago  fathers  could  and 
did  sell  their  children.  Only  a  few  years  ago  our  ancestors 
were  not  allowed  to  speak  or  write  their  thoughts — that 
being  a  crime.  As  soon  as  our  ancestors  began  to  get  free 
they  began  to  enslave  others.  With  an  inconsistency  that 
defies  explanation,  they  practiced  upon  others  the  same  out 
rages  that  had  been  perpetrated  upon  them.  As  soon  as 
white  slavery  began  to  be  abolished,  black  slavery  com- 


GREAT   SPEECHES.  6 1 

menced.     In  this  infamous   traffic  nearly  every  nation  of 
Europe  embarked. 

The  other  day  there  came  shoemakers,  potters,  workers 
in  wood  and  iron,  from  Europe,  and  they  wefe  received  in 
the  city  of  New  York  as  though  they  had  been  princes. 
They  had  been  sent  by  the  great  republic  of  France  to  ex 
amine  into  the  arts  and  manufactures  of  the  great  republic 
of  America.  They  looked  a  thousand  times  better  to  me 
than  the  Edward  Alberts  and  Albert  Edwards — the  royal 
vermin,  that  live  on  the  body  politic.  And  I  would  think 
much  more  of  our  government  if  it  would  fete  and  feast 
them,  instead  of  wining  and  dining  the  imbeciles  of  a 
royal  line. 

WHAT   WE   WANT   TO-DAY. 

What  we  want  to-day  is  what  our  fathers  wrote  down. 
They  did  not  attain  to  their  ideal ;  we  approach  it  nearer, 
but  have  not  reached  it  yet.  We  want,  not  only  the  inde 
pendence  of  a  state,  not  only  the  independence  of  a  nation, 
but  something  far  more  glorious — the  absolute  independence 
of  the  individual.  That  is  what  we  want.  I  want  it  so 
that  I,  one  of  the  children  of  Nature,  can  stand  on  an 
equality  with  the  rest;  that 'I  can  say  this  is  my  air,  my 
sunshine,  my  earth,  and  I  have  a  right  to  live,  and  hope, 
and  aspire,  and  labor,  and  enjoy  the  fruit  of  that  labor,  as 
much  as  any  individual,  or  any  nation  on  the  face  of  the  globe. 

The  French  convention  gave  the  best  definition  of  liberty 
I  have  ever  read:  "  The  liberty  of  one  citizen  ceases  only 
where  the  liberty  of  another  citizen  commences."  I  know 
of  no  better  definition.  I  ask  you  to-day  to  make  a  dec 
laration  of  individual  independence.  And  if  you  are  indepen 
dent,  be  just.  Allow  everybody  else  to  make  his  declaration 
of  individual  independence.  Allow  your  wife,  allow  your 
husband,  allow  your  children  to  make  theirs.  It  is  a  grand 
thing  to  be  the  owner  of  yourself.  It  is  a  grand  thing  to 


62  COL.    INGERSOLLS 

protect  the  rights  of  others.  It  is  a  sublime  thing  to  be 
free  and  just. 

Only  a  few  days  ago  I  stood  in  Independence  Hall— in 
that  little  room  where  was  signed  the  immortal  paper.  A 
little  room,  like  any  other ;  and  it  did  not  seem  possible 
that  from  that  room  went  forth  ideas,  like  cherubim  and 
seraphim,  spreading  their  wings  over  a  continent,  and 
touching,  as  with  holy  fire,  the  hearts  of  men. 

In  a  few  moments  I  was  in  the  park,  where  are  gathered 
the  accomplishments  of  a  century.  Our  fathers  never 
dreamed  of  the  things  I  saw.  There  were  hundreds  of  loco 
motives,  with  their  nerves  of  steel  and  breath  of  flame — 
every  kind  of  machine,  with  whirling  wheels  and  the  myriad 
thoughts  of  men  that  have  been  wrought  in  iron,  brass  and 
steel.  And  going  out  from  one  little  building  were  wires 
in  the  air,  stretching  to  every  civilized  nation,  and  they 
could  send  a  shining  messenger  in  a  moment  to  any  part  of 
the  world,  and  it  would  go  sweeping  under  the  waves  of  the 
sea  with  thoughts  and  words  within  its  glowing  heart.  I 
saw  all  that  had  been  achieved  by  this  nation,  and  I  wished 
that  the  signers  of  the  Declaration — the  soldiers  of  the  Revo 
lution — could  see  what  a  century  of  freedom  has  produced. 
I  wished  they  could  see  the  fields  we  cultivate — the  rivers 
we  navigate — the  railroads  running  over  the  Alleghanies, 
far  into  what  was  then  the  unknown  forest — on  over  the 
broad  prairies — on  over  the  vast  plains — away  over  the 
mountains  of  the  West,  to  the  Golden  Gate  of  the  Pacific. 

All  this  is  the  result  of  a  hundred  years  of  freedom.  Are 
you  not  more  than  glad  that  in  1776  was  announced  the 
sublime  principle  that  political  power  resides  with  the  peo. 
pie  ?  that  our  fathers  then  made  up  their  minds  nevermore 
to  be  colonists  and  subjects,  but  that  they  would  be  free 
and  independent  citizens  of  America.  I  will  not  name  any 
ef  the  grand  men  who  fought  for  liberty.  All  should  be 


GREAT   SPEECHES.  63 

named,  or  none.  I  feel  that  the  unknown  soldier  who  was 
shot  down  without  even  his  name  being  remembered — who 
was  included  only  in  a  report  of  "a  hundred  killed,"  or 
"a  hundred  missing,"  nobody  knowing  even  the  number 
that  attached  to  his  august  corpse — is  entitled  to  as  deep 
and  heartfelt  thanks  as  the  titled  leader  who  fell  at  the  head 
of  the  host. 

THE   GRAND   FUTURE   OF   AMERICA. 

Standing  here  amid  the  sacred  memories  of  the  first,  on 
the  golden  threshold  of  the  second,  I  ask,  Will  the  second 
century  be  as  grand  as  the  first?  I  believe  it  will,  because 
we  are  growing  more  and  more  humane  ;  I  believe  there  is 
more  human  kindness,  and  a  greater  desire  to  help  one  an 
other,  than  in  all  the  world  besides. 

We  must  progress.  We  are  just  at  the  commencement 
of  invention.  The  steam  engine — the  telegraph — these  are 
but  the  toys  with  which  science  has  been  amused.  There 
will  be  grander  things;  there  will  be  wider  and  higher  cul 
ture — a  grander  standard  of  character,  of  literature  and  art. 

We  have  now  half  as  many  millions  of  people  as  we  have 
years.  We  are  getting  more  real  solid  sense.  We  are 
writing  and  reading  more  books ;  we  are  struggling  more 
and  more  to  get  at  the  philosophy  of  life,  of  things — trying 
more  and  more  to  answer  the  questions  of  the  eternal 
Sphinx.  We  are  looking  in  every  direction — investigating ; 
in  short,  we  are  thinking  and  working. 

The  world  has  changed.  I  have  had  the  supreme  pleasure 
of  seeing  a  man — once  a  slave — sitting  in  the  seat  of  his 
former  master  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States.  I 
have  had  that  pleasure,  and  when  I  saw  it  my  eyes  were 
filled  with  tears,  I  felt  that  we  had  carried  out  the  Declara 
tion  of  independence,  that  we  have  given  reality  to  it,  and 
breathed  the  breath  of  life  into  its  every  word.  I  felt  that 
o*>  fiag  would  float  over  and  protect  the  colored  man  and 


64  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

His  iittie  children — standing  straight  in  the  sun,  just  the 
same  as  though  he  were  white  and  worth  a  million. 

All  wno  stand  beneath  our  banner  are  free.  Ours  is  the 
only  Hag  that  has  in  reality  written  upoo  it :  Liberty, 
Fraternity,  Equality — the  three  grandest  words  in  all  the 
languages  of  men.  Liberty  :  Give  to  every  man  the  fruit 
of  his  own  labof— the  labor  of  his  hand  and  of  his  brain. 
Fraternity :  Every  man  in  the  right  is  my  brother.  Equal 
ity  :  The  rights  of  all  are  equal.  No  race,  no  color,  no 
previous  condition,  can  change  the  rights  of  men.  The 
Declaration  of  Independence  has  at  last  been  carried  out  in 
letter  and  in  spirit.  The  second  century  will  be  grander 
than  the  first.  To-day  the  black  man  looks  upon  his  child 
and  says :  The  avenues  of  distinction  are  open  to  you — up3R 
your  brow  may  fall  the  civic  wreath.  We  are  celebrating 
the  courage  and  wisdom  of  our  fathers,  and  the  glad  shout 
of  a  free  people,  the  anthem  of  a  grand  nation,  commencing 
at  the  Atlantic,  is  following  the  sun  to  the  Pacific,  across  a 
continent  of  happy  homes.  We  are  a  great  people.  Three 
millions  have  increased  to  fifty — thirteen  states  to  thirty- 
eight.  We  have  better  homes,  and  more  of  the  conveni 
ences  of  life  than  any  other  people  upon  the  face  of  the 
globe.  The  farmers  of  our  country  live  better  than  did 
the  kings  and  princes  two  hundred  years  ago — and  they 
have  twice  as  much  sense  and  heart.  Liberty  and  labor 
have  given  us  all.  Remember  that  all  men  have  equal 
rights.  Remember  that  the  man  who  acts  best  his  part — 
who  loves  his  friends  the  best — is  most  willing  to  help 
others — truest  to  the  obligation — who  has  the  best  heart — 
the  most  feeling — the  deepest  sympathies — and  who  freely 
gives  to  others  the  rights  that  he  claims  for  himself,  is  the 
best  man.  We  have  disfranchised  the  aristocrats  of  the 
air  and  have  given  one  country  to  mankind. 


COL.  INGERSOLL'S  FUNERAL  ORATION. 


Col.  Ingersoll's  Funeral  Oration  at  His  Brother's 
Grave. 

The  funeral  of  Hon.  Ebon  C.  Ingersoll,  brother  of  Col. 
Robert  G.  Ingersoll,  took  place  at  his  residence  in  Wash 
ington,  D.  C.,  June  2,  1879.  The  ceremonies  were  ex 
tremely  simple,  consisting  merely  of  viewing  the  remains 
by  relatives  and  friends,  arid  a  funeral  oration  by  Col. 
Ingersoll.  A  large  number  of  distinguished  gentlemen 
were  present.  Soon  after  Mr.  Ingersoll  began  to  read  his 
eloquent  characterization  of  the  dead,  his  eyes  filled  with 
tears.  He  tried  to  hide  them  behind  his  eye-glasses,  but 
he  could  not  do  it,  and  finally  he  bowed  his  head  upon  the 
dead  man's  coffin  in  uncontrollable  grief.  It  was  after 


<*6  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

some  delay  and  the  greatest  efforts  at  self-mastery,  that 
Col.  Ingersoll  was  able  to  finish  reading  his  address,  which 
was  as  follows : 

MY  FRIENDS  :  i  am  going  to  do  that  which  the  dead  often 
promised  he  would  do  for  me.  The  loved  and  loving 
brother,  husband,  father,  friend,  died  where  manhood's 
morning  almost  touches  noon,  and  while  the  shadows  still 
were  falling  towards  the  West.  He  had  not  passed  on 
life's  highway  the  stone  that  marks  the  highest  point,  but 
being  weary  for  a  moment  he  laid  down  by  the  wayside, 
and,  using  his  burden  for  a  pillow,  fell  into  that  dreamless 
sleep  that  kisses  down  his  eyelids  still.  While  yet  in  love 
with  life  and  raptured  with  the  world,  he  passed  to  silence 
and  pathetic  dust.  Yet,  after  all,  it  may  be  best,  just  in 
the  happiest,  sunniest  hour  of  all  the  voyage,  while  eager 
winds  are  kissing  every  sr.il,  to  dash  against  the  unseen 
rock,  and  in  an  instant  hear  the  billows  roar  a  sunken  ship. 
For,  whether  in  mid-sea  or  among  the  breakers  of  the  far 
ther  shore,  a  wreck  must  mark  at  last  the  end  of  each  and 
all.  And  every  life,  no  matter  if  its  every  hour  is  rich 
with  love  and  every  moment  jeweled  with  a  joy,  will,  at- 
its  close,  become  a  tragedy,  as  sad,  and  deep,  and  dark 
as  can  be  woven  of  the  warp  and  woof  of  mystery  and 
death.  This  brave  and  tender  man  in  every  storm  of 
life  was  oak  and  rock,  but  in  the  sunshine  he  was  vine  and 
flower.  He  was  the  friend  of  all  heroic  souls.  He  climbed 
the  heights  and  left  all  superstitions  far  belov,  while  on 
his  forehead  fell  the  golden  dawning  of  a  grander  day. 
He  loved  the  beautiful,  and  was  with  color,  form  and  mu- 
eic  touched  to  tears.  He  sided  with  the  weak,  and  with 
a  willing  hand  gave  alms ;  with  loyal  heart  and  with  the 
purest  hand  he  faithfully  discharged  all  public  trusts.  He 
was  a  worshipper  of  liberty  and  a  friend  of  the  oppressed 
A  thousand  times  I  have  heard  him  quote  tl?o  words. 


FUNERAL  ORATION.  67 

"For  justice  all  place  a  temple  and  all  season  summer." 
He  believed  that  happiness  was  the  only  good,  reason  the 
only  torch,  justice  the  only  worshipper,  humanity  the  only 
religion,  and  love  the  priest. 

He  added  to  the  sum  of  human  joy,  and  were  every  one 
for  whom  he  did  some  loving  service  to  bring  a  blossom  to 
his  grave  he  would  sleep  to-night  beneath  a  wilderness  of 
flowers.  Life  is  a  narrow  vale  between  the  cold  and  barren 
peaks  of  two  eternities.  We  strive  in  vain  to  look  beyond 
the  heights.  We  cry  aloud,  and  the  only  answer  is  the 
echo  of  our  wailing  cry.  From  the  voiceless  lips  of  the 
unreplying  dead  there  comes  no  word ;  but  in  the  night  of 
death  hope  sees  a  star  and  listening  love  can  hear  the  rus 
tle  of  a  wing.  He  who  sleeps  here,  when  dying,  mistak 
ing  the  approach  of  death  for  the  return  of  health,  whis 
pered  with  his  latest  breath,  "I  am  better  now."  Let  us 
believe,  in  spite  of  doubts  and  dogmas  and  tears  and  fears 
that  these  dear  words  are  true  of  all  the  countless  dead. 
And  now,  to  you  who  have  been  chosen  from  among  the 
many  men  he  loved  to  do  the  last  sad  office  for  the  dead, 
we  give  his  sacred  dust.  Speech  cannot  contain  our  love. 
There  was — there  is — no  gentler,  stronger,  manlier  man. 


68  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

The  Celebrated  Speech  of  Col.  Ingersoll  Nominating 
James  G.  Elaine  for  President. 

At  Cincinnati,  June,  1876,  in  nominating  James  G. 
Elaine  for  President,  Col.  Ingersoll  spoke  as  follows :  (full 
report.) 

MR.  CHAIRMAN,  LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN  : — Massachu 
setts  may  be  satisfied  with  the  loyalty  of  Benjamin  H. 
Bristow  ;  so  am  I ;  but  if  any  man  nominated  by  this  con 
vention  cannot  carry  the  State  of  Massachusetts,  I  am  not 
satisfied  with  the  loyalty  of  that  State.  If  the  nominee  of 
this  convention  cannot  carry  the  grand  old  commonwealth 
of  Massachusetts  by  seventy-five  thousand  majority  I  would 
advise  them  to  sell  out  Faneuil  Hall  as  a  Democratic  head 
quarters.  I  would  advise  them  to  take  from  Bunker  Hill 
that  old  monument  of  glory. 

The  Republicans  of  the  United  States  demand  as  their 
leader  in  the  great  contest  of  1876,  a  man  of  intelligence,  a 
man  of  integrity,  a  man  of  well-known  and  approved  politi 
cal  opinions.  They  demand  a  statesman  ;  they  demand  a 
reformer  after  as  well  as  before  the  election.  They  de 
mand  a  politician  in  the  highest,  broadest  and  best  sense — 
a  man  of  superb  moral  courage.  They  demand  a  man  ac 
quainted  with  public  affairs  ;  with  the  wants  of  the  people  ; 
with  not  only  the  requirements  of  the  hour,  but  with  the 
demands  of  the  future. 

They  demand  a  man  broad  enough  to  comprehend  the 
relations  of  this  Government  to  the  other  nations  of  the 
earth.  They  demand  a  man  well  versed  in  the  powers, 
duties  and  prerogatives  of  each  and  every  department  of 
this  Government.  They  demand  a  man  who  will  sacredly 
preserve  the  financial  honor  of  the  United  States  ;  one  who 
knows  enough  to  know  that  the  national  debt  must  be  paid 
through  the  prosperity  of  the  people ;  one  who  knows 
enough  1 3  know  that  all  the  financial  theories  in  the  world 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  69 

cannot  redeem  a  single  dollar ;  one  who  knows  enough  to 
know  that  all  the  money  must  be  made,  not  by  law  but  by 
labor  ;  one  who  knows  enough  to  know  that  the  people  of 
the  United  States  have  the  industry  to  make  the  money, 
and  the  honor  to  pay  it  over  just  as  fast  as  they  make  it. 

The  Republicans  of  the  United  States  demand  a  man 
who  knows  that  prosperity  and  resumption,  when  they 
come,  must  come  together  ;  that  when  they  come  they  will 
come  hand  in  hand  through  the  golden  harvest  fields; 
hand  in  hand  by  the  whirling  spindles  and  the  turning 
wheels ;  hand  in  hand  past  the  open  furnace  doors ;  hand 
in  hand  by  the  chimneys  filled  with  eager  fire,  greeted  and 
grasped  by  the  countless  sons  of  toil. 

This  money  has  to  be  dug  out  of  the  earth.  You  cannot 
make  it  by  passing  resolutions  in  a  political  convention. 

The  Republicans  of  the  United  States  want  a  man  who 
knows  that  this  Government  should  protect  every  citizen, 
at  home  and  abroad  ;  who  knows  that  any  Government 
that  will  not  defend  its  defenders  and  protect  its  protectors, 
is  a  disgrace  to  the  map  of  the  world.  They  demand  a 
man  who  believes  in  the  eternal  separation  and  divorce 
ment  of  church  and  school.  They  demand  a  man  whose 
political  reputation  is  as  spotless  as  a  star  ;  but  they  do  not 
demand  that  their  candidate  shall  have  a  certificate  of 
moral  character  signed  by  a  Confederate  Congress.  The 
man  who  has,  in  full,  heaped  and  rounded  measure,  all 
these  splendid  qualifications  is  the  present  grand  and  gal 
lant  leader  of  the  Republican  party — James  G.  Elaine. 

Our  country,  crowned  with  the  vast  and  marvelous 
achievements  of  its  first  century,  asks  for  a  man  worthy  of 
the  past  and  prophetic  of  her  future ;  asks  for  a  man  who 
has  the  audacity  of  genius  ;  asks  for  a  man  who  is  the  grand 
est  combination  of  heart,  conscience  and  brain  beneath  hef 
flag.  Such  a  man  is  James  G.  Elaine- 


COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

For  the  Republican  host,  led  by  this  intrepid  man,  there 
can  be  no  defeat. 

This  is  a  grand  year — a  year  filled  with  recollections  ol 
the  Revolution  ;  filled  with  the  proud  and  tender  memories 
of  the  past;  with  the  sacred  legends  of  liberty  ;  a  year  in 
which  the  sons  of  freedom  will  drink  from  the  fountains  of 
enthusiasm  ;  a  year  in  which  the  people  call  for  a  man  who 
has  preserved  in  Congress  what  our  soldiers  won  upon  the 
field  ;  a  year  in  which  they  call  for  the  man  who  has  torn 
from  the  throat  of  treason  the  tongue  of  slander — for  the 
man  who  has  snatched  the  mask  of  Democracy  from  the 
hideous  face  of  rebellion  ;  for  this  man  who,  like  an  intel 
lectual  athlete,  has  stood  in  the  arena  of  debate  and  chal 
lenged  all  comers,  and  who  is  still  a  total  stranger  to  de 
feat. 

Like  an  armed  warrior,  like  a  plumed  knight,  James  G. 
Elaine  marched  down  the  halls  of  the  American  Congress 
and  threw  his  shining  lance  full  and  fair  against  the  brazen 
foreheads  of  the  defamers  of  his  country  and  the  maligners 
of  her  honor.  For  the  Republican  party  to  desert  this  gal 
lant  leader  now  is  as  though  an  army  should  desert  their 
General  upon  the  field  of  battle. 

James  G.  Elaine  is  now  and  has  been  for  years  the 
bearer  of  the  sacred  standard  of  the  Republican  party.  I 
call  it  sacred  because  no  human  being  can  stand  beneath 
its  folds  without  becoming  and  without  remaining  free. 

Gentlemen  of  the  convention,  in  the  name  of  the  great 
Republic,  the  only  Republic  that  ever  existed  upon  this 
earth  ;  in  the  name  of  all  her  defenders  and  of  all  her  sup 
porters  ;  in  the  name  of  all  her  soldiers  living ;  in  the 
name  of  all  her  soldiers  dead  upon  the  field  of  battle,  and 
in  the  name  of  those  who  perished  in  the  skeleton  clutch  of 
famine  at  Andersonville  and  Libby,  whose  sufferings  he  so 
vividly  remembers,  Illinois — Illinois  nominates  for  the  next 


GREAT  SPEECHES. 


President  of  this  country  that  prince  of  parliamentarian*"- 
that  leader  of  leaders— James  G.  Elaine. 


HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAIisE. 


COL.  INGERSOLL  S 


Ingersoll's  Eloquent  Speech  to  the  Volunteer  Soldiers. 

At  the  banquet  given  to  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  at 
Chicago,  Nov.  13th  1879,  Gen.  Sherman  announced  the 
following  toast:  "The  volunteer  soldiers  of  the  Union 
army,  whose  valor  and  patriotism  saved  the  world  a  gov 
ernment  of  the  people,  by  the  people  and  for  the  people." 
Response  by  Col.  Robert  G.  Ingersoll. 

Col.  Ingersoll,  mounting  the  table  by  which  he  was  sit 
ting,  spoke  as  follows  : 

"When  the  savagery  of  the  lash,  the  barbarism  of  the 
class,  and  the  insanity  of  secession  confronted  the  civiliza 
tion  of  our  century,  the  question,  "Will  the  great  republic 
defend  itself?"  trembled  on  the  lips  of  every  lover  of  man 
kind. 

The  North,  filled  with  intelligence  and  wealth — children 
of  liberty — marshalled  her  hosts  and  asked  only  for  a  leader. 
From  civil  life,  a  man,  silent,  thoughtful,  poised  and  calm, 
stepped  forth  and  with  lips  of  victory  voiced  the  nation's 
first  and  last  demand:  "Unconditional  and  immediate 
surrender."  From  that  moment  the  end  was  known. 
That  utterance  was  the  first  real  declaration  of  war,  and,  in 
accordance  with  the  dramatic  unities  of  mighty  events,  the 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  73 

great  soldier  who  made  it  received  the  final  reward  of  the 
rebellion. 

The  soldiers  of  the  republic  were  not  seekers  after  vulgar 
glory.  They  were  not  animated  by  the  hope  of  plunder  or 
the  love  of  conquest.  They  fought  to  preserve  the  bless 
ings  of  liberty  and  that  their  children  might  have  peace. 
They  were  the  defenders  of  humanity,  the  destroyers  of 
prejudice,  the  breakers  of  chains,  and  in  the  name  of  the 
future  they  slew  the  monster  of  their  time.  They  finished 
what  the  soldiers  of  the  Revolution  commenced.  They  re 
lighted  the  torch  that  fell  from  their  august  hands  and  filled 
the  world  again  with  light.  They  blotted  from  the  statute 
books  laws  that  had  been  passed  by  hypocrites  at  the  insti 
gation  of  robbers,  and  tore  with  indignant  hands  from  the 
Constitution  that  infamous  clause  that  made  men  the  catch 
ers  of  their  fellow  men. 

They  made  it  possible  for  judges  to  be  just,  for  states 
men  to  be  human,  and  for  politicians  to  be  honest. 

They  broke  the  shackles  from  the  limbs  of  slaves,  from 
the  souls  of  martyrs,  and  from  the  Northern  brain.  They 


kept  our  country  on  the  map  of  the  world  and  our  flag  in 
heaven. 

They  rolled  the  stone  from  the  sepulchre  of  progress, 
and  for  these  two  angels  clad  in  shining  garments — Nation 
ality  and  Liberty.  The  soldiers  were  the  saviors  of  the  na. 
tion»  They  were  the  liberators  of  men.  In  writing  the 


74  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

proclamation  of  independence,  Lincoln,  the  greatest  of  our 
mighty  dead,  whose  memory  is  as  gentle  as  the  summer 
air  when  reapers  sing  amid  the  gathered  sheaves — copied 
with  the  pen  what  Grant  and  his  brave  comrades  wrote 
ftdth  their  swords. 

Grander  than  the  Greek,  nobler  than  the  Roman,  the  sol 
diers  of  the  republic,  with  patriotism  as  taintless  as  the  air, 
battled  for  the  rights  of  others ;  for  the  nobility  of  labor ; 
fought  that  mothers  might  own  their  babes;  that  arrogant 
idleness  should  not  scar  the  back  of  patient  toil,  and  that 
our  country  should  not  be  a  many-headed  monster  made  of 
warring  States,  but  a  nation,  sovereign,  great  and  free. 

Blood  was  water,  money,  leaves,  and  life  was  common 
air  until  one  flag  floated  over  a  republic  without  a  master 
and  without  a  slave.  Then  was  asked  the  question:  Will 
a  free  people  tax  themselves  to  pay  the  nation's  debt? 

The  soldiers  went  home  to  their  waiting  wives,  to  their 
glad  children,  and  to  the  girls  they  loved — they  went  back 
to  the  fields,  the  shops  and  mines.  They  had  not  been  de 
moralized.  They  had  been  ennobled.  They  were  as  hon 
est  in  peace  as  they  had  been  brave  in  war.  Mocking  at 
,  poverty,  laughing  at  reverses,  they  made  a  friend  of  toil. 
They  said  :  "We  saved  the  nation's  life,  and  what  is  life 
without  honor?"  They  worked  and  wrought  with  all  of 
labor's  sons,  that  every  pledge  the  nation  gave  should  be 
redeemed.  And  their  great  leader,  having  put  a  shining 
hand  of  friendship — a  girdle  of  clasped  and  happy  hands — 
around  the  globe,  comes  home  and  finds  that  every  promise 
made  in  war  has  now  the  ring  and  gleam  of  gold. 

There  is  still  another  question :  "Will  all  the  wounds 
of  the  war  be  healed?"  I  answer,  Yes.  The  Southern  peo. 
pie  must  submit,  not  to  the  dictation  of  the  North,  but  to 
the  nation's  will  and  to  the  verdict  of  mankind.  They 
were  wrong,  and  the  time  will  come  when  they  will  say 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  /5 

that  they  are  victors  who  have  been  vanquished  by  the 
right.  Freedom  conquered  them,  and  freedom  will  culti 
vate  their  fields,  educate  their  children,  weave  for  them  the 
robes  of  wealth,  execute  their  laws,  and  fill  their  land  with 
happy  homes. 

The  soldiers  of  the  Union  saved  the  South  as  well  as  the 
North.  They  made  us  a  Nation.  Their  victory  made  us 
free  and  rendered  tyranny  in  every  other  land  as  insecure 
as  snow  upon  volcano  lips. 

And  now  let  us  drink  to  the  volunteers,  to  those  who 
sleep  in  unknown,  sunken  graves,  whose  names  are  only  in 
the  hearts  of  those  they  loved  and  left — of  those  who  only 
hear  in  happy  dreams  the  footsteps  of  return. 

Let  us  drink  to  those  who  died  where  lipless  famine 
mocked  at  want — to  all  the  maimed  whose  scars  give  mod 
esty  a  tongue,  to  all  who  dared  and  gave  to  chance  the 
care  and  keeping  of  their  lives — to  all  the  living  and  all  the 
dead — to  Sherman,  to  Sheridan  and  to  Grantj  the  foremost 
soldiers  of  the  world ;  and  last,  to  Lincoln,  whose  loving 
life,  like  a  bow  of  peace,  spans  and  arches  all  the  clouds  of 
war." 


TO  COL.  INGERSOLLS 

Speech  at  Chicago,  October  21, 1876.* 

[Chicago  Evening  Journal^ 

LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN  : — Democrats  and  Republicans 
have  a  common  interest  in  the  United  States.  We  have  a 
common  interest  in  the  preservation  of  a  common  country. 
And  I  appeal  to  all,  Democrats  and  Republicans,  to  en 
deavor  to  make  a  conscientious  choice;  to  endeavor  to  select 
aft  President  and  Yice  President  of  the  United  States  the 
men  and  the  parties,  so  to  speak,  which  in  your  judgment 
will  preserve  this  nation,  and  preserve  all  that  is  dear  to  us 
either  as  Republicans  or  Democrats. 

THE   DEMOCRATIC   PAETY   DESCRIBED. 

The  Democratic  party  comes  before  you  and  asks  that 
you  will  give  this  Government  into  its  hands;  and  you  have 
a  right  to  investigate  as  to  the  reputation  and  character  of 
the  Democratic  organization.  The  Democratic  party  say: 
"  Let  bygones  be  bygones."  I  never  knew  a  man  who  did 
a  decent  action  that  wanted  it  forgotten.  1  never  knew  a 
man  who  did  some  great  and  shining  act  of  self-sacrifice 
and  heroic  devotion  who  did  not  wish  that  act  remembered. 
Not  only  so,  but  he  expected  his  loving  children  would 
chisel  the  remembrance  of  it  upon  the  marble  that  marked 
his  last  resting  place.  But  whenever  a  man  does  an  infa 
mous  thing;  whenever  a  man  commits  some  crime;  when 
ever  a  man  does  that  which  mantles  the  cheeks  of  his  chil 
dren  with  ehame,  he  says:  "Let  bygones  be  bygones."  (Ap 
plause.)  The  Democratic  party  admits  that  it  has  a  record, 
but  it  says  that  any  man  that  will  look  into  it,  any  man 
that  will  tell  it,  is  not  a  gentleman.  I  do  not  know  whether 
according  to  the  Democratic  standard,  lam  a  gentleman  or 

not;  but  I  do  say  that  in  a  certain  sense  I  am  one  of  the  his- 
•  [See  note  on  page  110.] 


GREAT   SPEECHES.  // 

torians  of  the  Democratic  party.  I  do  not  know  that  it  is 
true  that  a  man  cannot  give  his  record  and  be  a  gentleman, 
but  I  admit  that  a  gentleman  hates  to  read  this  record;  a 
gentleman  hates  to  give  this  record  to  the  world;  but  I  do 
it,  not  because  I  like  to  do  it,  but  because  I  believe  the  best 
interests  of  this  country  demand  that  there  shall  be  a 
history  given  of  the  Democratic  party. 

In  the  first  place,  1  claim  that  the  Democratic  party  em 
braces  within  its  filthy  arms  the  worst  elements  in  Amer 
ican  society.  I  claim  that  every  enemy  that  this  Govern 
ment  has  had  for  twenty  years  has  been  and  is  a  Democrat; 
every  man  in  the  Dominion  of  Canada  that  hates  the  great 
Republic,  would  like  to  see  Tilden  and  Hendricks  the  next 
President  and  Vice  President  of  the  United  States.  I  say 
more;  every  State  that  seceded  from  this  Union  was  a 
Democratic  State.  Every  man  that  drew  an  ordinance  of 
secession  was  a  Democrat;  every  man  that  tried  to  tear  the 
flag  out  of  heaven  was  a  Democrat;  every  man  that  tore 
that  old  banner  of  glory  with  shot  and  shell  was  a  Demo 
crat;  every  Union  soldier  that  has  a  scar  upon  his  body 
to-day  carries  with  him  a  souvenir  of  the  Democratic  party; 
every  man  that  shot  a  Union  soldier  was  a  Democrat;  every 
man  that  denied  to  the  Union  prisoners  even  the  worm-eaten 
crust  of  famine  was  a  Democrat;  and  when  some  famished 
Union  soldier,  crazed  by  agony  and  by  pain  and  by  want, 
saw  in  his  dream  the  face  of  his  mother,  and  she  seemed  to 
beckon  him,  and  he  innocently  followed  her  beckoning,  and 
in  so  following,  got  his  feet  one  inch  beyond  the  dead-line, 
the  rebel  wretch  who  put  a  bullet  through  his  heart  was 
and  is  a  Democrat.  (Applause  and  loud  cries  of  "That's  so.") 
The  men  that  burned  the  orphan  asylum  in  the  city  of  New 
York  were  Democrats;  every  one  that  fired  that  city,  know 
ing:  that,  if  it  burned,  the  serpents  of  flame  would  leap 


78  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

from  the  buildings  and  clutch  children  from  their  mother's 
arms;  every  wretch  that  did  it  was  a  Democrat.  (Applause.) 
The  man  that  shot  Abraham  Lincoln  was  a  Democrat. 
(Applause.)  And  every  man  that  was  glad  of  it  was  a  Dem 
ocrat  (Loud  applause.)  Everyman  that  was  sorry  to  see  the 
institution  of  slavery  abolished";  every  man  that  shed  a  tear 
over  the  corpse  of  human  slavery  was,  and  is,  a  Democrat. 
(Applause.)  The  men  that  cursed  Abraham  Lincoln,  cursed 
the  grandest,  the  purest  man  that  was  ever  President  of  the 
United  States;  every  man  that  cursed  him  for  issuing  the 
Emancipation  Proclamation,  the  grandest  paper  since  the 
Declaration  of  Independence — every  man  that  cursed  him 
for  it  was  a  Democrat.  (Applause.)  Every  man  who  hated 
to  see  blood-hounds  cease  to  be  the  instrumentalities  of  a 
free  government — every  one  was  a  Democrat.  In  short, 
every  enemy  that  this  Government  has  had  for  twenty 
years,  every  enemy  that  liberty  and  progress  ever  had  in 
the  United  States  for  twenty  years,  every  hater  of  our  flag, 
every  despiser  of  our  Nation,  every  man  who  has  been  a 
disgrace  to  the  great  Republic  for  twenty  years,  has  been 
a  Democrat.  I  do  not  say  they  are  all  that  way;  but  nearly 
all  who  are  that  way  are  Democrats.  (Loud  applause.) 

A  POLITICAL   TRAMP. 

The  Democratic  party  to-day  is  a  political  tramp  (laugh 
ter)  crawling  to  the  back  door  of  the  White  House,  begging 
for  official  food.  The  Democratic  party  has  not  had  a  bite 
to  eat  for  sixteen  long  and  weary  years.  (Laughter  and 
applause.)  The  Democratic  party  has  a  vast  appetite. 
(Laughter.)  The  Democratic  party  is  all  teeth  and  an 
empty  stomach.  (Laughter.)  In  other  words,  the  Demo 
cratic  party  is  a  political  tramp  with  a  yellow  passport. 
This  political  tramp  begs  food  and  he  carries  in  his  pocket 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  79 

old  dirfy  scraps  of  paper  as  a  kind  of  certificate  of  charac 
ter.  On  one  of  those  papers  he  will  showyou  the  ordinance 
of  1789;  on  another  one  of  those  papers  he  will  have  a  part 
of  the  fugitive  slave  law;  on  another  one  some  of  the  black 
laws  that  used  to  disgrace  Illinois;  on  another  Governor 
Tilden's  letter  to  Kent  (laughter  and  applause);  on  another 
a  certificate  signed  by  Lyman  Trumbull  that  the  Kepubli- 
ean  party  is  not  fit  to  associate  with — (laughter  and  ap 
plause) — that  certificate  will  be  endorsed  by  Governor  John 
M.  Palmer,  and  my  friend  Judge  Doolittle.  (Laughter.) 
He  will  also  have  in  his  pocket  an  old  wood  cut,  somewhat 
torn,  representing  Abraham  Lincoln  falling  upon  the  neck 
of  S.  Corning  Judd,  and  thanking  him  for  saving  the  Union 
as  Commander-in-Cbief  of  the  Sons  of  Liberty.  (Laughter 
and  applause.)  Following  this  tramp  will  be  a  blood-hound ; 
and  when  he  asks  for  food,  the  blood-hound  will  crouch  for 
employment  on  his  haunches,  and  the  drool  of  anticipation 
will  run  from  his  loose  and  hanging  lips.  Study  the  ex 
pression  of  that  dog.  (Laughter.)  Translate  it  into  Eng 
lish  and  it  means:  "  Oh!  I  want  to  bite  a  nigger!"  (Laugh 
ter.)  And  when  the  dog  has  that  expression  he  shows  a  strik 
ing  likeness  to  his  master.  (Laughter.)  The  question  is, 
"  Shall  that  tramp  and  that  dog  gain  possession  of  the 
White  House? "  (Loud  cries  of  "  No!  Eol ") 

DEMOCRATIC    STUPIDITY. 

The  Democratic  party  learns  nothing;  the  Democratic 
party  forgets  nothing.  The  Democratic  party  does  not 
know  that  the  world  has  advanced  a  solitary  inch  since  1860. 
Time  is  a  Democratic  dumb  watch.  It  has  not  given  a  tick 
for  sixteen  years.  (Laughter.)  The  Democratic  party  does 
know  that  we,  upon  the  great  glittering  highway  of 
,  have  passed  a  single  mile-stone  for  twenty  years. 


8o  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

The  Democratic  party,  I  say,  is  incapable  of  learning.  The 
Democratic  party  is  incapable  of  anything  but  prejudice 
and  hatred.  Every  man  that  is  a  Democrat  is  a  Democrat 
because  he  hates  something;  every  man  that  is  a  Republi 
can  is  a  Republican  because  he  loves  something.  (Ap 
plause.)  And  it  is  not  whisky,  either.  (Laughter.) 

ITS  USEFULNESS  OBSOLETE. 

The  other  day  I  was  going  along  the  road,  and  I  came  to 
a  place  where  it  had  been  changed,  and  the  guide-board 
did  not  know  it.     It  had  stood  there  for  twenty  years  point 
ing  industriously,  pointing  diligently  over  to  a  deserted 
field;  nobody  ever    went  that  way,  but  the  guide-board 
thought  the  next  man  would.     Thousands  passed,  and  not 
withstanding  the  fact  that  not  one  went  in  the  direction  of 
the  guide-board,  through  calm   and  shine  and  storm,  it 
pointed  diligently  into  the  old  field,  and  swore  to  it  the  road 
went  that  way;  and  I  said  to  myself,  "Such  is  the  Demo 
cratic  party  of  the  United  States."     (Laughter.)     I  saw  a 
little  while  ago  a  place  in  the  road  where  there  had  been  a 
hotel.     The  hotel  had  gone  down  over  thirty  years  ago,  and 
there  was  nothing  standing  but  two  desolate  chimneys,  up 
the  flues  of  which  the  fires  of  hospitality  had  not  roared  for 
thirty  years.     The  fence  was  gone,  and  the  post  holes  even 
were  obliterated,  but  there  was  a  sign  in  the  road,  and  on 
the  sign  were  the  words:     "Entertainment  for  man  and 
beast."     The  old  sign  swung  and  creaked  in  the  winter 
wind,  the  snow  fell  upon  it,  the  sleet  clung  to  it,  and  in  the 
summer  the  birds  sung  and  twittered  and  made  love  upon 
it;  nobody  ever  stopped  there,  but  the  sign  swore  to  it,  the 
sign  certified  to  it:     "Entertainment  for  man  and  beast" 
And  I  said  to  myself,  "  Such  is  the  Democratic  party  of  the 
United  States,  and  one  chimney  ought  to  be  called  Tiiden, 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  8 1 

and  the  other  chimney  ought  to  be  called  Hendricks." 
(Laughter.)  I  saw  also  by  a  stream,  a  building  that  had 
once  been  a  mill;  all  the  clap-boards  nearly  were  gone,  and 
the  roof  leaked  liked  an  average  Democratic  wool  hat  with 
the  top  burst;  though  there  was  a  sign  hanging  by  one  nail: 
"  Cash  for  wheat."  Not  a  kernel  had  been  ground  there 
for  thirty  years;  the  old  mill  wheel  had  fallen  off  its  gud 
geons  into  the  street,  and  it  was  as  dry  as  though  it  had  been 
in  the  final  home  of  the  Democratic  party  for  forty  years. 
(Laughter  and  applause.)  The  dam  was  gone;  nobody  had 
built  a  new  dam;  the  mill  was  not  worth  a  dam!  (Laugh 
ter.)  And  I  said  to  myself,  "  That  is  exactly  the  condi 
tion  of  the  Democratic  party  to-day." 

THE   "  STATE  EIGHTS  "    DOCTRINE. 

The  Democratic  party,  I  say,  is  incapable  of  advance 
ment;  the  only  stock  that  they  have  in  trade  to-day  is  the 
old  infamous  doctrine  of  Democratic  State  rights.  There 
never  was  a  more  infamous  doctrine  advanced  on  this  earth, 
than  the  Democratic  idea  of  State  rights.  What  is  it?  It 
has  its  foundation  in  the  idea  that  this  is  not  a  Nation;  it 
has  its  foundation  in  the  idea  that  this  is  simply  a  confed 
eracy,  that  this  great  Government  is  simply  a  bargain,  that 
this  great  splendid  people  have  simply  made  a  trade,  and 
that  the  people  of  any  one  of  the  States  are  sovereign  to 
the  extent  that  they  have  the  right  to  trample  upon  the 
rights  of  their  fellow-citizens,  and  that  the  General  Govern 
ment  cannot  interfere.  The  great  Democratic  heart  is  fired 
to-day,  the  Democratic  bosom  is  bloated  with  indignation 
because  of  an  order  made  by  General  Grant  sending  troops 
into  the  Southern  States  to  defend  the  rights  of  American 
citizens!  Who  objects  to  a  soldier  going?  Nobody  except 

a  man  who  wants  to  carry  an  election  by  fraud,  by  violence, 
6 


8a  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

by  intimidation,  by  assassination,  and  by  murder.  The 
Democratic  party  is  willing  to-day  that  Tilden  and  Hen- 
dricks  should  be  elected  by  violence;  they  are  willing  to 
day  to  go  into  partnership  with  assassination  and  murder; 
they  are  willing  to-day  that  every  man  in  the  Southern 
States,  who  is  a  friend  to  this  Union,  and  who  fought  for 
our  flag — that  the  rights  of  every  one  of  these  men  should 
be  trampled  in  the  dust,  provided  Tilden  and  Hendricks 
be  elected  President  and  Yice  President  of  this  country. 
They  tell  us  that  a  State  line  is  sacred;  that  you  never  can 
cross  it  unless  you  want  to  do  a  mean  thing;  that  if  you 
want  to  catch  a  fugitive  slave  you  have  the  right  to  cross  it; 
but  if  you  wish  to  defend  the  rights  of  men,  then  it  is  a  sa 
cred  line,  and  you  cannot  cross  it.  Such  is  the  infamous 
doctrine  of  the  Democratic  party.  Who,  I  say,  will  be  in 
jured  by  sending  soldiers  into  the  Southern  States?  No 
one  in  the  world  except- the  man  who  wants  to  prevent  an 
honest  citizen  from  casting  a  legal.vote  for  the  Government 
of  his  choice.  For  my  part,  I  think  more  of  the  colored 
Union  men  of  the  South,  than  I  do  of  the  white  disunion 
men  of  the  South.  (Applause.)  For  my  part,  I  think 
more  of  a  black  friend  than  a  white  enemy.  (Applause.) 
For  my  part,  I  think  more  of  a  friend  black  outside,  and 
white  in,  than  I  do  of  a  man  who  is  white  outside  and  black 
inside.  (Applause.)  For  my  part,  I  think  more  of  black 
justice,  of  black  charity,  and  of  black  patriotism,  than  I  do 
of  white  cruelty,  than  I  do  of  white  treachery  and  treason. 
(Applause.)  As  a  matter  of  fact  all  that  is  done  in 
the  South  to-day,  of  use,  is  done  by  colored  men.  The 
colored  man  raises  everything  that  is  raised  in  the 
South,  except  hell.  (Laughter  and  cheers.)  And  I  say  here 
to-night  that  I  think  one  hundred  times  more  of  the 
good,  honest,  industrious  man  of  the  South  than  I  do  of  all 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  83 

the  white  men  together  that  do  not  love  this  Government 
(applause),  and  I  think  more  of  the  black  man  in  the  South 
than  I  do  of  the  white  man  in  the  North  that  sympathizes 
with  the  white  wretch  that  wishes  to  trample  upon  the 
rights  of  that  black  man.  (Applause.)  I  believe  that  this 
is  a  Government,  first,  not  only  of  power,  but  that  it  is  the 
right  of  this  Government  to  march  all  the  soldiers  in  the 
United  States  into  any  sovereign  State  of  this  Union  to  de 
fend  the  rights  of  every  American  citizen  in  that  State. 
(Applause.  Yoice,  "That's  so;"  "That's  the  doctrine.") 
If  it  takes  the  last  man  and  the  last  dollar,  I  am  in  favor 
of  killing  enough  Democrats  to  protect  the  rights  of  Union 
men.  ("Good,"  "Good;"  cheers.) 

A  Government  that  will  not  protect  its  protectors,  a  Gov 
ernment  that  will  not  defend  its  defenders,  is  a  disgrace  to 
the  Nations  of  the  earth,  and  the  flag  that  will  not  protect 
them  in  her  own  country  is  a  dirty  rag  that  contaminates 
the  air  in  which  it  floats.  It  is  conceded  by  all  Democrats 
and  Republicans  that  in  time  of  war  this  Government  can 
come  to  your  house,  come  to  you  when  you  are  sitting  with 
your  family  at  your  fireside,  sitting  there  with  your  chil 
dren,  everything  happy  and  delightful;  this  Government 
has  the  right  to  take  you  and  march  you  down  into  the 
valley  of  the  shadow  of  hell,  and  standing  you  by  the 
red  roaring  guns  make  you  fight  for  the  flag  of  your  coun 
try.  Now,  suppose  the  Government  does  it,  and  you  go 
and  fight,  and  your  Government  is  victorious,  and  you  go 
home,  and  there  you  find  a  few  Democrats  who  sympathized 
with  the  enemy,  and  they  endeavor  to  trample  upon  your 
rights;  is  it  not  the  duty  of  the  Government  that  made  you 
fight  for  it  to  defend  you  in  time  of  peace?  (Applause.) 
If  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Government  to  defend  you  in  time 
of  war,  when  you  were  compelled  to  go  into  the  army, 


84  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

how  much  more  is  it  the  doty  of  the  Government  to  defend 
in  time  of  peace  the  man  who,  in  time  of  war,  voluntarily 
and  gladly  rushed  to  the  rescue  and  defense  of  his  country; 
and  yet  the  Democratic  doctrine  is  that  you  are  to  answer 
the  call  of  the  Nation,  but  that  the  Nation  will  be  deaf  to 
your  cry,  unless  the  Governor  of  your  State  makes  request 
of  your  Government.  Suppose  the  Governors  and  every  . 
man  trample  upon  your  rights,  is  the  Nation  then  to  let  you 
be  trampled?  Will  the  Nation  hear  only  the  cry  of  the  op 
pressor,  or  will  it  heed  the  cry  of  the  oppressed?  I  believe 
we  should  have  a  Government  that  can  hear  the  faintest 
wail,  the  faintest  cry  for  justice  from  the  lips  of  the 
humblest  citizen  beneath  her  flag.  But  the  Democratic 
doctrine  is  that  this  Government  can  protect  its  citizens 
only  when  they  are  away  from  home.  This  may  account 
for  so  many  Democrats  going  to  Canada  during  the  war. 
(Laughter  and  applause.)  I  believe  that  the  Government 
must  protect  you,  not  only  abroad,  but  must  protect  you 
at  home;  and  that  is  the  greatest  question  before  the 
American  people  to-day. 

THE  COLORED  RACE. 

I  have  thought  that  human  impudence  reached  its  limit 
ages  and  ages  ago.  I  had  believed  that  some  time  in  the 
history  of  the  world  impudence  had  reached  its  height,  and 
so  believed  until  I  read  the  congratulatory  address  of  Abram 
S.  Hewitt,  chairman  of  the  National  Executive  Democratic 
Committee,  wherein  he  congratulates  the  negroes  of  the 
South  on  what  he  calls  a  Democratic  victory  in  the  State 
of  Indiana.  If  human  impudence  can  go  beyond  this,  all 
I  have  to  say  is,  it  never  has.  (Laughter.)  What  does  he 
eay  to  the  Southern  people,  to  the  colored  people?  He  says 
to  them,  in  substance:  "The  reason  the  white  people  tram- 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  8$ 

pie  upon  you  is  because  the  white  people  are  weak.  Give 
the  white  people  more  strength,  put  the  white  people  in  au 
thority,  and,  although  they  murder  you  now  when  they  are 
weak,  when  they  are  strong  they  will  let  you  alone.  (Laugh 
ter  and  applause.)  Yes;  the  only  trouble  with  our  Southern 
white  brethren  is  that  now  they  are  in  the  minority,  and  they 
kill  you  now,  and  the  only  way  to  save  your  lives  is  to  put 
yoar  enemy  in  the  majority."  That  is  the  doctrine  oi 
Abram  S.  Hewitt,  and  he  congratulates  the  colored  people  of 
the  South  upon  the  Democratic  victory  of  Indiana.  There 
is  going  to  be  a  great  crop  of  hawks  next  season — let  us  con 
gratulate  the  doves.  (Laughter.)  That  is  it.  The  burg 
lars  have  whipped  the  police — let  us  congratulate  the  bank. 
(Laughter.)  That  is  it.  The  wolves  have  killed  off  almost 
all  the  shepherds — let  us  congratulate  the  sheep.  (Laugh 
ter  and  applause.)  This  is  the  same  Abram  S.  Hewitt  who 
has  endeavored  to  set  the  rotten  teeth  of  Democratic  slan 
der  into  the  live  and  quivering  flesh  of  that  splendid  man, 
James  G.  Elaine.  (Cheers.)  The  same  Hewitt  that  con 
gratulates  the  negroes  of  the  South  upon  the  prospect  of 
their  assassins  getting  into  political  power — the  next  thing 
we  hear  from  him  is  the  slander  against  the  name  and  rep 
utation  of  a  man  of  whom  he  is  not  fit  to  speak  even  in 
terms  of  praise.  (Applause.) 

SUFFERINGS  OF  THE  SLAVES. 

In  my  judgment  the  black  people  have  suffered  enough. 
They  have  been  slaves  for  200  years,  and,  more  than  all,  they 
have  been  compelled  to  keep  the  company  of  the  men  that 
owned  them.  (Laughter  and  applause.)  Think  of  that. 
Think  of  being  compelled  to  keep  the  society  of  the  man  who 
is  stealing  from  yon!  Think  of  being  compelled  to  live  with 
the  man  who  sold  your  wife!  Think  of  being  compelled  to 


86  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

• 

live  with  the  man  who  stole  your  child  from  the  cradle  bft- 
fore  your  very  eyesl  Think  of  being  compelled  to  live 
with  the  thief  of  yonr  life,  and  spend  your  days  with  the 
white  robber,  and  to  be  under  his  control!  The  black  peo 
ple  have  suffered  enough.  For  200  years  they  were  owned 
and  bought  and  sold  and  branded  like  cattle.  For  200  years 
every  human  tie  was  rent  aad  torn  asunder  by  the  bloody, 
brutal  hands  of  avarice  and  might.  They  have  suffered 
enough.  During  the  war  the  black  people  were  our  friends 
not  only,  but  whenever  they  were  entrusted  with  the  family, 
with  the  wives  and  children  of  their  masters,  they  were  true 
to  them.  They  stayed  at  home  and  protected  the  wife  and 
child  of  the  master  while  he  went  into  the  field  and  fought 
for  the  right  to  whip  and  steal  the  child  of  the  very  black 
man  that  was  protecting  him.  (Applause.)  The  black 
people,  I  say,  have  suffered  enough,  and  for  that  reason  I 
am  in  favor  of  this  Government  protecting  them  in  every 
Southern  State,  if  it  takes  another  war  to  do  it.  (Cheers.) 
We  never  can  compromise  with  the  South  at  the  expense 
of  our  friends.  (Yoices,  "Never! ")  "We  never  can  be 
friends  with  the  men  that  starved  and  shot  our  brothers. 
(Yoices,  "  Never!")  We  never  can  be  friends  with  the  men 
that  waged  the  most  cruel  war  in  the  world ;  not  for  liberty, 
but  for  the  right  to  deprive  other  men  of  their  liberty.  We 
never  can  be  their  friends  until  they  treat  the  black  man 
justly;  until  the}'  treat  the  white  Union  man  respectfully; 
until  Republicanism  ceases  to  be  a  crime;  until  to  vote  the 
Republican  ticket  ceases  to  make  you  a  political  and  social 
outcast  We  want  no  friendship  with  the  enemies  of  our 
sountry.  (Applause.) 

THE  NATION'S  FEIENDS  AND  ENEMIES. 

The  next  question  is,  who   shall  have  possession  of  this 
aountry — the  men  that  saved  it,  or  the  men  that  Bought  to 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  8/ 

destroy  it?  The  Sonthern  people  lit  the  fires  of  civil  war. 
They  who  set  the  conflagration  must  be  satisfied  with  the 
ashes  left  by  tne  conflagration.  The  men  that  saved  the 
Ship  of  State  must  sail  it.  The  men  that  saved  the  flag 
must  carry  it.  (Applause.)  This  Government  is  not  far 
from  destruction  when  it  crowns  with  its  highest  honor  in 
time  of  peace,  the  man  that  was  false  to  it  in  the  time  of 
war.  (Applause.)  This  Nation  is  not  far  from  the  prec 
ipice  of  annihilation  and  destruction  when  it  gives  its 
highest  honor  to  a  man  false,  false  to  the  country  when 
everything  we  hold  dear  trembled  in  the  balance  of  war, 
when  everything  was  left  to  the  arbitrament  of  the  sword. 

THE  GREENBACK  QUESTION. 

The  next  question  prominently  before  the  people — though 
I  think  the  great  question  is,  whether  citizens  shall  be 
protected  at  home — the  next  question  I  say,  is  the  financial 
question.  With  that  there  is  no  trouble.  We  had  to  bor 
row  money  and  we  have  got  to  pay  it.  That  is  all  there  is 
of  that,  and  we  are  going  to  pay  it  just  as  soon  as  we  make 
the  money  to  pay  it  with,  and  we  are  going  to  make  the 
money  out  of  prosperity.  We  have  got  to  dig  it  out  of  the 
earth.  You  can't  make  a  dollar  by  law.  You  can't  re 
deem  a  cent  by  statute.  You  can't  pay  one  solitary  far- 
tiling  by  all  the  resolutions,  by  all  the  speeches  ever  made 
under  the  sun.  (Applause.)  You  have  got  to  dig  this 
money  right  square  out  of  the  ground.  Every  dollar  we 
owe  is  not  wealth  of  this  Nation,  but  it  is  the  evidence  of 
the  poverty  of  this  Nation.  The  Nation  cannot  make  money. 
The  Nation  cannot  support  yon  and  me;  it  cannot  support 
us.  We  support  the  Nation.  The  Nation  collects  its  taxes 
from  us.  The  Nation  is  a  perpetual,  everlasting  pauper, 
and  we  have  to  support  the  Nation.  The  Nation  passes  the 


88  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

measure  of  taxation,  and  the  Nation  passes  around  the  hat, 
and  makes  us  all  throw  in  our  charity  to  support  the  Gov 
ernment,  and  everybody  does  throw  in  except  Tilden,  as 
tar  as  heard  from.  (Laughter.)  Now,  then,  we  have  some 
men  among  us  who  say  that  the  Government  can  make 
money.  If  the  Government  can  make  money,  why  should 
it  collect  taxes  from  us?  "Why  shouldn't  it  make  all  the 
taxes  it  wants?  Why  shouldn't  it  make  all  the  money  it 
wants,  and  take  the  taxes  out  and  give  the  balance  to  us? 
Why  should  this  Government,  if  it  has  the  power  to  make 
money,  collect  any  money  from  the  people?  But  they  tell 
you  that  this  Government  has  the  power  to  put  its  sov 
ereign  impress  on  a  piece  of  paper;  and,  if  the  Government 
has  that  power,  it  don't  take  any  more  sovereignty  to  make 
a  $2  bill  than  it  does  to  make  a  $1  bill.  "What  is  the  use 
of  wasting  sovereignty  on  $1  bills?  (Laughter.)  Why 
not  have  $10  bills?  What  is  the  use  of  wasting  sovereignty 
on  a  $10  bill?  Why  not  have  $100  bills?  (Laughter.) 
Why  not  have  million-dollar  bills,  and  every  one  become 
a  millionaire  at  once?  (Laughter  and  applause.)  If  the 
greenback  doctrine  is  right,  that  evidence  of  national  indebt 
edness  is  wealth,  if  that  is  their  idea,  why  not  go  another  step 
and  make  every  individual  note  a  legal  tender?  Why  not  pass 
a  law  that  every  man  shall  take  every  other  man's  note? 
Then,  I  swear,  we  would  have  money  in  plenty.  (Laugh 
ter.)  No,  my  friends,  a  promise  to  pay  a  dollar  is  not  a 
dollar,  no  matter  if  that  promise  is  made  by  the  greatest 
and  most  powerful  Nation  on  the  globe.  A  promise  is  not 
a  performance.  An  agreement  is  not  an  accomplishment, 
and  there  never  will  come  a  time  when  a  promise  to  pay  a 
dollar  is  as  good  as  the  dollar,  unless  everybody  you  know 
liavegot  tJie  dollar,  and  will  pay  it  whenever  they  ask  for  it. 
The  Democrats  ought  to  pay  every  cent  of  the  national 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  89 

debt.  (Applause.)  They  lost  the  suit;  they  ought  to  pay 
the  costs.  (Laughter.)  They  commenced  the  war;  they 
ought  to  pay  the  expenses.  But  we,  in  our  patriotism,  are 
willing  to  pay  our  share,  but  we  want  them  to  pay  theirs. 

GREENBACK    INFLATION. 

We  want  no  more  inflation.  We  want  simply  to  pay  our 
debts  as  fast  as  the  prosperity  of  the  country  allows  it  and 
no  faster.  Every  speculator  that  was  caught  with  property 
on  his  hands  upon  which  he  owed  more  than  the  property 
was  worth  wanted  the  game  to  go  a  little  longer.  Whoever 
heard  of  a  man  playing  poker  that  wanted  to  quit  when  he 
was  a  loser?  (Laughter.)  He  wants  to  have  a  fresh  deal. 
He  wants  another  hand,  and  he  don't  want  any  that  is  ahead 
to  jump  the  game.  (Laughter  and  applause.)  It  is  so  with 
the  speculators  in  this  country.  They  bought  land,  they 
bought  houses,  they  bought  goods,  and  when  the  crisis  and 
the  crash  came,  they  were  caught  with  the  property  on  their 
hands,  and  they  want  another  inflation,  they  want  another 
tide  to  rise  that  will  again  sweep  this  driftwood  into  the 
middle  of  the  great  financial  stream.  That  is  all.  Every 
lot  in  this  city  that  was  worth  $5,000  and  that  is  now  worth 
$2,000 — do  you  know  what  is  the  matter  with  that  lot? 
It  has  been  redeeming.  It  has  been  resuming.  That  is 
what  is  the  matter  with  that  lot.  Every  man  that  owned 
property  that  has  now  fallen  50  per  cent.,  that  property  has 
been  resuming;  and  if  you  could  have  another  inflation 
to-morrow,  the  day  that  the  bubble  would  burst  would  find 
thousands  of  speculators  who  paid  as  much  for  property  a* 
property  was  worth,  and  they  would  ask  for  another  tide  of 
affairs  in  men.  They  would  ask  for  another  inflation. 
What  for?  To  let  them  out  and  put  somebody  else  in. 
(Laughter.) 


go  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

EUKNTNO  IN  DEBT. 

"We  want  no  more  inflation.  "We  want  the  simple,  hon 
est  payment  of  the  debt,  and  to  pay  out  of  the  prosperity 
of  this  country.  "  But,"  says  the  greenback  man,  "  we 
never  had  as  good  times  as  when  we  had  plenty  of  green 
backs."  Suppose  a  farmer  would  buy  a  farm  for  $10,000, 
and  give  his  note.  He  would  send  Mary,  Jane  and  Lucy  to 
school.  He  would  give  them  pianos,  and  send  them  to 
college,  and  would  give  his  note  for  the  interest,  and  the 
next  year  he  would  again  give  his  note  for  the  interest,  and 
the  next  year  again  his  note,  and  finallj  they  would  come  to 
him  and  say:  "We  must  settle  up;  we  have  taken  your 
notes  as  long  as  we  can;  we  want  money."  ""Why,"  he 
would  say  to  the  gentleman,  "  I  never  had  as  good  a  time  in 
my  life  as  while  I  have  been  giving  those  notes.  I  never 
had  a  farm  until  the  man  gave  it  to  me  for  my  note.  My 
children  have  been  clothed  as  well  as  anybody's.  "We  have 
had  carriages;  we  have  had  fine  horses;  and  our  house  has 
been  filled  with  music,  and  laughter,  and  dancing;  and  why 
not  keep  on  taking  those  notes?"  So  it  is  with  the  green 
back  man;  he  says,  "  When  we  were  running  in  debt,  we  had 
a  jolly  time — let  us  keep  it  up."  But,  my  friends,  there 
must  come  a  time  when  inflation  would  reach  that  point 
when  all  the  Government  notes  in  the  world  wouldn't  buy 
a  pin ;  that  all  the  Government  notes  in  the  world  wouldn't 
be  worth  as  much  as  the  last  year's  Democratic  platform. 
(Laughter  and  applause.) 

HARD   TIMES. 

I  have  no  fear  but  what  these  debts  will  be  paid.  I  have 
no  fear  but  what  every  solitary  greenback  dollar  will  be  re 
deemed  ;  but,  my  friends,  we  will  have  some  trouble  doing 
it  Why?  Because  the  debt  is  a  great  deal  larger  than  it 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  9! 

should  have  been.  In  the  first  place  there  should  have 
been  no  debt.  If  it  had  not  been  for  the  Southern  Democ 
racy  there  would  have  been  no  war.  If  it  hadn't  been  for 
the  Northern  Democracy  the  war  wouldn't  have  lasted  one 
year.  (Cheers — voices,  "That's  so.")  When  we  put  np 
the  greenbacks,  the  Democrats  went  to  all  the  markets  in 
the  world  and  swore  that  we  never  could  redeem  that 
paper.  They  stuck  to  it  during  the  period  of  the  war  until 
gold  went  up  to  290.  What  did  it  mean?  It  meant  that 
the  greenback  dollar  was  only  worth  34  cents.  That  is  what 
it  meant.  What  became  of  the  other  66  cents?  They  were 
lied  out  of  the  greenbacks.  They  were  maligned  and 
slandered  and  calumniated  out  of  the  greenback  by  the 
Democrats  of  the  North.  Whenever  a  Democrat  talks 
about  hard  times,  tell  him,  "Your  party  made  the  hard 
times."  Whenever  a  Democrat  wants  to  get  sympathy  on 
account  of  the  national  debt,  tell  him,  "  Your  party  made 
the  national  debt." 

There  was  a  man  tried  in  court  for  having  murdered  his 
own  father  and  his  own  mother.  He  was  found  guilty  and 
the  judge  asked  him,  "What  have  you  to  say  that  seii' 
tence  of  death  shall  not  be  pronounced  on  you?"  "Noth 
ing  in  the  world,  judge,"  said  he,  "only  I  hope  your  Honor 
will  take  pity  on  me  and  remember  that  I  am  a  poor  or 
phan."  (Laughter  and  applause;  renewed  laughter.)  The 
Democratic  party  made  this  debt.  The  Democratic  party 
caused  these  hard  times,  and  now  they  go  around  the  coun 
try  and  ask  sympathy  from  the  people  because  the  Demo 
crats  are  suffering  such  hard  times.  When  you  think  about 
this  debt,  charge  two-thirds  of  it  to  the  Democracy  of  the 
North;  charge  the  other  third  to  the  Democracy  of  the 
South,  and  if  you  have  to  work  to  get  this  money,  and  in 
working  blister  your  hands,  pull  off  the  blister,  and  under 


92  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

every  blister  yon  will  find  a  Northern  Democratic  lie. 
(Laughter  and  applause.)  I,  I  say,  have  no  doubt  but  that 
this  debt  will  be  paid.  "We  have  got  the  honor  to  pay  it, 
and  we  do  not  pay  it  on  account  of  the  avarice  or  greed  of 
the  bondholder.  An  honest  man  don't  pay  money  to  a 
creditor  simply  because  the  creditor  wants  it.  The  honest 
man  pays  at  the  command  of  his  honor,  and  not  at  the  de 
mand  of  the  creditor.  (Applause.)  The  United  States  will 
liquidate  every  debt  at  the  command  of  its  honor,  and 
every  cent  will  be  paid.  War  is  destruction,  war  is  loss, 
and  all  the  property  destroyed,  and  the  time  that  is  lost, 
put  together,  amount  to  what  we  call  a  national  debt. 
When  in  peace  we  shall  have  made  as  much  net  profit  as 
there  was  wealth  lost  in  the  war,  then  we  will  be  a  solvent 
people, 

THE  GREENBACK  TO  BE  REDEEMED. 

The  greenback  will  be  redeemed;  we  expect  to  redeem  it 
on  the  1st  day  of  January,  1879.  We  may  fail;  we  will  fail 
if  the  prosperity  of  the  country  fails;  but  we  intend  to  try 
to  do  it,  and  if  \ve  fail,  we  will  fail  as  a  soldier  fails  to  take  a 
fort,  high  upon  the  rampart,  with  the  flag  of  resumption  in 
our  hands.  (Applause.)  We  will  not  say  that  we  can  not 
pay  the  debt  because  there  is  a  date  fixed  when  the  debt  is 
to  be  paid.  I  have  had  to  borrow  money  myself;  I  have 
had  to  give  my  note,  and  I  recollect  distinctly  that  every 
man  I  ever  did  give  my  note  to  insisted  that  somewhere  in 
that  note  there  should  be  some  vague  hint  as  to  the  cycle, 
as  to  the  geological  period,  as  to  the  time,  as  to  the  century 
and  date  when  I  expected  to  pay  those  little  notes.  (Laugh 
ter.)  I  never  understood  that  having  a  time  fixed  would 
prevent  my  being  industrious;  that  it  would  interfere  with 
my  honesty,  or  with  my  activity,  or  with  my  desire  to 


GREAT   SPEECHES.  93 

discharge  that  debt.  And  if  any  man  in  this  great  conntrj 
owed  you  $1,000,  due  you  the  first  d^^y  of  next  January,  and 
he  should  come  to  you  and  say:  "I  want  to  pay  you  that 
debt,  but  you  must  take  that  date  out  of  that  note." 
"  Why?"  you  would  say.  "  Why,"  he  would  reply,  in  the 
language  of  Tilden,  "  I  have  got  to  make  wise  preparation." 
"Well,"  you  would  say  then,  "why  don't  you  do  it?" 
"  Oh,"  he  saVs,  "  I  can't  do  it  while  you  have  that  date  in 
that  note."  "Another  thing,"  he  says,  "  I  have  got  to  get 
me  a  central  reservoir  of  coin."  (Here  the  speaker  went 
through  the  motions  of  filling  his  pockets  with  both  hands.) 
Suppose  this  debtor  would  also  tell  you,  "  I  want  the  date 
out  of  that  note,  because  I  have  got  to  come  at  it  by  a  very 
slow  and  gradual  process."  "  Well,"  yon  would  say,  "  I  do 
not  care  how  slow  you  are  or  how  gradual  you  are,  pro 
vided  that  you  get  around  by  the  time  the  note  is  due.5' 
What  would  you  think  of  a  man  that  wanted  the  date  out 
of  the  note?  You  would  think  he  was  a  mixture  of  rascal 
and  Democrat.  (Laughter.)  That  is  what  you  would  think. 
No,  my  friends,  we  are  going  to  pay  that  money;  every 
man  that  has  got  a  bond,  every  man  that  has  got  a  green 
back  dollar  has  got  a  mortgage  upon  the  best  continent  of 
land  on  earth,  and  every  spear  of  grass  on  this  continent  is  a 
guaranty  that  this  debt  will  be  paid.  (Applause.)  Every 
particle  of  coal  laid  away  by  that  old  miser,  the  sun,  millions 
of  years  ago,  is  a  guaranty  that  every  dollar  will  be  paid; 
all  the  iron  ore,  all  the  gold  and  silver  under  the  snow 
capped  Sierra  Nevadas,  waiting  for  the  miner's  pick  to  give 
back  the  flash  of  the  sun,  every  ounce  is  a  guaranty  that 
this  debt  will  be  paid,  and  every  furrowed  field  of  corn,  and 
every  good  man,  and  every  good  woman,  and  every  dimpled, 
kicking,  healthy  babe  in  the  cradle,  and  all  the  boys  and 
girls  bending  over  their  books  at  school,  and  every  good 


94  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

man  who  is  going  to  vote  the  Republican  ticket,  is  a  guar 
anty  that  every  dollar  of  the  national  debt  will  be  paid. 
(Loud  applause.) 

TILDEH. 

Now,  my  friends,  the  Democratic  party  (if  you  may  call 
it  a  party)  brings  forward  as  its  candidate,  Samuel  J.  Tilden, 
of  New  York.  I  am  opposed  to  him,  first:  because  he  is 
an  old  bachelor.  (Laughter.)  In  a  country  like  ours,  de 
pending  for  its  prosperity  and  glory  upon  an  increase  of  the 
population,  to  elect  an  old  bachelor  is  a  suicidal  policy. 
(Applause.)  Any  man  that  will  live  in  this  country  for  sixty 
years,  surrounded  by  beautiful  women  with  rosy  lips  and 
dimpled  cheeks,  in  every  dimple  lurking  a  cupid,  with  coral 
lips  and  pearly  teeth  and  sparkling  eyes — any  man  that  will 
posh  them  all  aside  and  be  satisfied  with  the  embraces  of 
the  Democratic  party,  does  not  even  know  the  value  of  time. 
(Laughter  aud  applause.)  I  am  opposed  to  Samuel  J.  Til- 
den,  because  he  is  a  Democrat;  because  he  belongs  to  the 
Democratic  party  of  the  city  of  New  York;  the  worst 
party  ever  organized  in  any  civilized  country.  I  wish 
yon  could  see  it.  The  pugilists,  the  prize-fighters* 
the  plug-uglies,  the  fellows  that  run  with  the  "  ma- 
sheen;"  nearly  ever  nose  is  mashed,  about  half  the  ears 
have  been  chawed  off.  (Laughter.)  And  of  whatever  com 
plexion  they  are,  their  eyes  are  nearly  always  black.  (Laugh 
ter.)  They  have  fists  like  teakettles  and  heads  like  bul 
lets.  (Laughter.)  I  wish  you  could  see  them.  I  have 
been  in  New  York  every  few  weeks  for  the  last  fifteen  years; 
and  whenever  I  go  there  I  see  the  old  banner  of  Tammany 
Hall,  "  Tammany  Hall  and  Reform;"  "John  Morrisey  and 
Reform;""  Connolly  and  Reform;"  "John  Kelly  and  Re 
form;"  "William  M.  Tweed  and  Reform;"  and  the  other 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  95 

day  I  saw  that  same  old  flag,  u  Samuel  J.  Tilden  and  'Re 
form"  (Loud  laughter  and  applause.)  The  Democratic 
party  of  the  city  of  New  York  never  had  but  two  objects, 
grand  and  petty  larceny.  (Laughter  and  applause.)  In 
that  school  Samuel  J.  Tilden  has  been  a  pupil.  In  that 
school  Samuel  J.  Tilden  is  now  head  teacher.  (Laughter 
and  cheers.)  The  Democratic  party  of  the  city  of  New 
York  has  stolen  everything  it  could  lay  its  hands  on,  and? 
my  God!  what  hands  1  If  we  elect  Samuel  J.  Tilden,  we 
will  have  the  Democratic  party  of  the  city  of  New  York  to 
reform  this  country.  (Laughter  and  applause.) 

TILDEN  A  SECESSIONIST. 

I  have  another  objection  to  Tilden.  He  was  a  Secession 
ist  in  the  beginning  of  the  war,  he  is  a  Secessionist  to-day. 
He  believes  that  every  State  in  this  Union  has  a  right  to 
snap  what  he  calls  a  tie  of  confederation  at  its  pleasure,  the 
same  as  a  Nation  has  a  right  to  break  a  treaty,  and  every 
State  has  the  right  to  repel  coercion  as  a  Nation  has  the 
right  to  repel  invasion.  No  man  ought  to  be  President  of 
this  Nation  who  denies  that  it  is  a  Nation.  Samuel  J. 
Tilden  denounced  the  war  as  an  outrage.  No  man  ever 
should  be  President  of  this  country  that  denounced  a  war 
waged  in  its  defense  as  an  outrage.  To  elect  such  a  man  would 
be  an  outrage  indeed.  Samuel  J.  Tilden  said  the  old  flasr  car- 

o  o 

ried  by  our  fathers  over  the  fields  of  the  Revolution;  the  old 
flag  carried  by  our  fathers  over  the  fields  of  1812;  the  glo 
rious  old  flag  carried  by  our  brothers  over  the  plains  of 
Mexico;  the  same  banner  carried  by  our  brothers  over  the 
cruel  fields  of  the  South — Samuel  J.  Tilden  said  that  flag 
stands  for  a  contract;  that  it  stands  for  a  confederation; 
that  it  stands  for  a  bargain.  But  the  great,  splendid  Re 
publican  party  says,  "  No.  That  flag  stands  for  a  great, 


96  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

hoping,  aspiring,  sublime  Nation,  not  for  a  confederacy." 
(Applause.)  I  am  opposed,  I  saj,  to  the  election  of  Samuel 
J.  Tilden  for  another  reason.  If  he  is  elected  he  will  be 
controlled  by  his  party,  and  his  party  will  be  controlled  by 
the  Southern  stockholders  in  that  party.  They  own  nine- 
teen-twentieths  of  the  stock,  and  they  will  dictate  the  policy 
of  the  Democratic  corporation.  No  Northern  Democrat 
has  the  manhood  to  stand  up  before  a  Southern  Democrat. 
Every  Northern  Democrat,  nearly,  has  a  face  of  dough,  and 
the  Southern  Democrat  will  swap  his  ears,  change  his  nose, 
cut  his  mouth  the  other  way  of  the  leather,  so  that  his  own 
mother  wouldn't  know  him,  in  fifteen  minutes.  (Great 
jaoghter.)  If  Samuel  J.  Tilden  is  elected  President  of  the 
United  States,  he  will  be  controlled  by  the  Democratic 
party,  and  the  Democratic  party  will  be  controlled  by  the 
Southern  Democracy, — that  is  to  say,  the  late  rebels;  that 
is  to  say,  the  men  that  tried  to  destroy  the  Government; 
that  is  to  say,  the  men  who  are  sorry  they  didn't  destroy 
the  Government;  that  is  to  say,  the  enemies  of  every  friend 
of  this  Union;  that  is  to  say,  the  murderers  and  the  assassins 
of  Union  men  living  in  the  Southern  country.  (Applause.) 
Let  me  say  another  thing.  If  Mr.  Tilden  does  not  act  in 
accordance  with  the  Southern  Democratic  command,  the 
Southern  Democracy  will  not  allow  a  single  life  to  stand 
between  them  and  the  absolute  control  of  this  country. 
Heridricks  will  then  be  their  man.  I  say  that  it  would  be 
an  outrage  to  give  this  country  into  the  control  of  men  who 
tried  to  destroy  it;  to  give  this  country  into  the  control  of 
the  men  who  endeavored  to  destroy  it;  to  give  this  country 
into  the  control  of  the  Southern  rebels  and  haters  of  Union 
men. 

RUTHERFORD  B.  HATES. 

And  on  the  other  hand  the  Republican  party  have  put 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  97 

forward  Rutherford  B.  Hayes.  (Applause.)  He  is  an  honest 
man.  The  Democrats  will  say,  "  That  is  nothing."  Well, 
let  them  try  it.  (Applause  and  laughter.)  Rutherford  B. 
Hayes  has  a  good  character.  A  good  character  is  not  built 
upon  a  prospectus,  but  upon  a  good  record.  A  good  char 
acter  is  made  up,  not  of  what  you  agree  to  do,  but  of  the 
good  things  you  really  have  done.  If  you  could  make  a 
good  character  on  promises,  the  Democratic  party  would 
have  one  to-morrow.  (Laughter.)  But  a  good  character 
rests  upon  good  action,  upon  something  already  accom 
plished.  Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  when  this  war  commenced, 
did  not  say  with  Tilden,  "  I  never  will  contribute  to  the 
prosecution  of  this  war."  But  he  did  say  this,  "  I  would 
go  into  this  war  if  I  knew  I  would  be  killed  in  the 
course  of  it,  rather  than  to  live  through  it  and  take  no  part 
in  it."  (Cheers.)  Search  the  patriotic  records  of  the 
world,  and  you  will  find  no  nobler,  no  grander  saying  than 
that  declaration  of  Rutherford  B.  Hayes.  During  the  war 
Rutherford  B.  Hayes  received  many  wounds  in  his  flesh, 
but 

NOT  ONE  SCKATCH   UPON  HIS  HONOR. 

(Applause.)  Samuel  J.  Tilden  received  many  wounds  in 
his  honor,  but  not  one  scratch  on  his  flesh.  (Laughter.) 
Rutherford  B.  Hayes  is  a  firm  man;  not  an  obstinate  man, 
but  a  firm  man;  and  I  draw  this  distinction:  A  firm  man 
will  do  what  he  believes  to  be  right,  because  he  wants  to 
do  the  right.  He  will  stand  firm  because  he  believes  it 
to  be  right;  but  an  obstinate  man  wants  his  own  way, 
whether  it  is  right  or  whether  it  is  wrong.  Rutherford  B. 
Haj^es  is  firm  in  the  right,  and  obstinate  only  when  he 
knows  he  is  in  the  right.  (Applause.)  If  yon  want  to 
vote  for  a  man  who  fought  for  you,  vote  for  Rutherford  B. 

7 


98  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

Hayes.  If  you  want  to  vote  for  a  man  that  carried  our 
flag  during  the  storm  of  shot  and  shell,  vote  for  Ruther 
ford  B.  Hayes.  (A  voice,  "  We  are  going  to.")  If  you  be 
lieve  patriotism  to  be  a  virtue,  vote  for  Rutherford  B. 
Hayes.  If  you  believe  this  country  wants  heroes,  vote  for 
Rutherford  B.  Hayes.  If  you  are  for  a  man  who  turned 
»gainst  his  country  in  time  of  war,  vote  for  Samuel  J.  Til- 
den.  If  you  believe  the  war  waged  for  the  salvation  of 
your  Nation  is  an  outrage,  vote  for  Samuel  J.  Tilden.  If 
you  believe  that  it  is  better  to  stay  at  home  and  curse  the 
brave  men  in  the  field,  fighting  for  the  sacred  rights  of  man^ 
vote  for  Samuel  J.  Tilden.  If  you  want  to  pay  a  premium 
upon  treason,  if  you  want  to  pay  a  premium  upon  hypoc 
risy,  if  you  want  to  pay  a  premium  upon  sympathizing 
with  the  enemies  of  your  country,  vote  for  Samuel  J.  Til 
den.  If  you  believe  that  patriotism  is  right,  if  yon  be 
lieve  a  brave  defender  of  liberty  is  better  than  an  assassin 
of  freedom,  vote  for  Rutherford  B.  Hayes.  (Cheers.) 

THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

I  am  proud  that  I  belong  to  the  Republican  party.  (Ap 
plause.)  I  want  no  grander  title  to  nobility  than  that  I 
belong  to  the  Republican  party,  and  helped  to  make  this 
country  a  free  land.  (Applause.)  I  say  here  to-night  that 
the  Republican  party  is  the  only  decent  party  that  ever 
existed  on  this  earth.  (Applause.)  It  is  the  only  party  not 
founded  on  a  compromise  with  the  devil.  (Applause.)  It 
is  the  only  party  that  has  not  begged  pardon  for  doing 
right.  It  is  the  only  party  that  has  said,  "  There  shall  be 
no  distinction  on  account  of  race,  on  account  of  color,  on 
account  of  previous  condition."  It  is  the  only  party  that 
ever  had  a  platform 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  9$ 

BKOAD  ENOUGH  FOB  ALL  HUMANITY 

to  stand  npon.  (Applause.)  It  is  the  first  decent  party 
that  ever  lived.  (Applause.)  The  Republican  party  made 
the  first  free  government  that  was  ever  made.  The  Re 
publican  party  made  the  first  decent  constitution  that  any 
Nation  ever  had.  The  Republican  party  gave  to  the  sky 
the  first  pure  flag  that  was  ever  kissed  by  the  waves  of  air. 
(Cheers.)  The  Republican  party  that  said,  "  Every  man  is 
entitled  to  liberty,"  not  because  he  is  white,  not  because  he 
is  poor,  but  because  he  is  a  man.  (Cheers  and  cries  of 
"Goodl"  "Good!")  The  Republican  is  the  first  party 
that  knew  enough  to  know  that  humanity  is  more  than 
akin  deep.  (Applause.)  It  is  the  first  party  that  said: 

"GOVERNMENT  SHOULD  BE  FOB  ALL," 

as  the  light,  as  the  air  is  for  all.  And  it  is  the  first  party 
that  had  the  sense  to  say,  "What  air  is  to  the  lungs,  what 
light  is  to  the  eyes,  what  love  is  to  the  heart,  liberty  is  to 
the  soul."  (Applause  and  cries  of  "  Good! "  "  Good! ")  The 
Republican  party  is  the  first  party  that  ever  was  in  favor  of 
absolute  free  labor,  the  first  party  in  favor  of  giving  to 
every  man,  without  distinction  of  race  or  color,  the  fruit  of 
the  labor  of  his  own  hands.  (Applause.)  The  Republi 
can  party  said,  "Free  labor  will  give  us  wealth;  free 
thought  will  give  us  truth."  The  Republican  is  the  first 
party  that  said  to  every  man,  "  Think  for  yourself,  and  ex 
press  that  thought."  (Applause.) 

I  am  a  free  man.  I  belong  to  the  Republican  party.  This 
is  a  free  country.  I  will  think  my  thought,  I  will  speak 
my  thought  or  die.  (Cheers.)  In  the  Republican  air  there 
is  room  for  every  wing,  as  on  the  Republican  sea  there  is 
room  for  every  sail.  The  Republican  party  says  to  every 
soul,  "  Fly  out  into  the  great  intellectual  dome  of  thought, 


ioo  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

question  the  stars  for  yourself."    But  the  Democratic  party 
says: 

"BE  A  BLIND  OWL; 

Sit  on  the  dry  limb  of  a  dead  tree  and  hoot  only  when  that 
party  says,  hoot."  (Laughter.)  I  say  that  the  Republican 
party  is  for  free  labor.  Free  labor  will  bring  us  wealth,  and 
why?  Whenever  a  man  works  for  himself,  works  for  his 
wife,  works  for  his  children,  he  endeavors  then  to  do  the 
most  work  in  the  shortest  space  of  time.  The  problem  of 
slavery  is  to  do  the  least  work  in  the  longest  space  of  time. 
Slavery  never  invented  but  one  machine,  and  that  was  a 
threshing  machine  in  the  shape  of  a  whip.  (Loud  laughter 
and  applause.)  Free  labor  has  invented  all  the  machines 
that  ever  added  to  the  power,  added  to  the  wealth,  added 
to  the  leisure,  added  to  the  civilization  of  mankind.  Every 
convenience,  everything  of  use,  everything  of  beauty  in  the 
•world,  we  owe  to  free  labor  and  free  thought.  Free  labor, 
free  thought — science  took  the  thunderbolt,  away  from  the 
gods,  and  in  the  electric  sport,  freedom,  with  thought,  with 
intelligence  and  with  love,  sweeps  under  all  the  waves  of 
the  sea*  science,  free  thought,  took  a  tear  from  the  cheek 
of  unpaid  labor,  converted  it  into  steam,  and  created  the 
giant  that  turns,  with  tireless  arras,  the  countless  wheels  of 
toil.  The  Republican  party,  I  say,  believes  in  free  labor. 
Every  solitary  thing,  every  solitary  improvement  made  in 
the  United  States  has  been  made  by  the  Republican  party. 
Every  reform  accomplished  was  inaugurated,  and  was  ac 
complished  by  the  great,  grand  and  glorious  Republican 
party.  (Applause.) 

LIBERTY. 

Last  year  I  stood  in  the  City  of  Paris,  where  once  stood 
the  old  Bastile  prison,  where  now  stands  the  column  of 
July.  That  column  is  surmounted  by  a  magnificent  statue 


GEEAT  SPEECHES.  IOI 

of  Liberty;  in  its  right  hand  is  a  broken  chain,  in  its  left 
hand  a  banrer,  and  upon  the  glorious  forehead  the  glitter 
ing  and  shini  .g  star  of  progress.  And  as  I  looked  at  it,  I 
said:  "  Snch  is  th  Republican  party  of  my  country." 
(Applause.)  The  R  publican  party  does  not  say,  "  Let  by 
gones  be  by-gones."  The  Republican  party  is  proud  of  the 
past  and  confident  of  the  future.  The  Republican  party 
brings 

ITS  EECOED 

before  you,  and  implores  you  to  read  every  page,  every 
paragraph,  every  line  and  every  shining  word.  On  the 
first  page  you  will  find  it  written :  "  Slavery  has  cursed 
American  soil  long  enough."  On  the  same  page  you  will 
find  it  written:  "Slavery  shall  go  no  further."  On  the 
same  page  you  will  find  it  written:  "  The  blood-hounds  shall 
not  drip  their  gore  upon  another  inch  of  American  soil." 
On  the  second  page  you  will  find  it  written:  "This  is  a 
Nation  and  not  a  Confederacy;  every  State  belongs  to  every 
citizen,  and  no  State  has  a  right  to  take  territory  belonging 
to  every  citizen  in  the  United  States  and  set  up  a  separate 
Government."  On  the  third  page  you  will  find  the  grandest 
declaration  ever  made  in  this  country:  "  Slavery  shall  be  ex 
tirpated  from  the  American  soil."  On  the  next  page: 
"The  rebellion  shall  be  put  down."  (Applause.)  On  the 
next  page:  "The  rebellion  has  been  put  down."  (Loud 
applause.)  On  the  next  page:  "Slavery  has  been  extir 
pated  from  the  American  soil."  (Applause.)  On  the  next 
page:  "The  freedmen  shall  not  be  vagrants;  they  shall  be 
citizens."  (Applause.)  On  the  next  page:  "They  are 
citizens."  (Applause.)  On  the  next  page:  "The  ballot 
shall  bo  put  in  their  hands;"  and  now  we  will  write  on  the 
next  page:  "That  every  citizen  that  has  a  ballot  in  his 
hand,  by  the  gods!  shall  have  the  right  to  cast  that  ballot." 


103  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

(Loud  applause.)  That  in  short,  that  in  brie£  is  the 
history  of  the  Republican  party.  The  Republican  party 
says,  and  it  means  what  it  says,  "  This  shall  be  a  free  coun 
try  forever;  every  man  in  it  21  years  of  age  shall  have  the 
right  to  vote  for  the  Government  of  his  choice,  and  if  any 
man  endeavors  to  interfere  with  that  right,  the  Govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  will  see  to  it  that  the  right  of 
every  American  citizen  is  protected  at  the  polls."  (Ap 
plause.) 

THE  QUESTION  OF  SUPERIORITY. 

Now,  my  friends,  there  is  one  thing  that  troubles  the 
average  Democrat,  and  that  is  the  idea  that  somehow,  in 
some  way,  the  negro  will  get  to  be  the  better  man.  It  is 
the  trouble  in  the  South  to-day.  And  I  say  to-  my  South 
ern  friends  (and  I  admit  that  there  are  a  good  many  good 
men  in  the  South,  but  the  bad  men  are  in  an  overwhelming 
majority;  the  great  mass  of  the  population  are  cruel,  re 
vengeful,  idle,  hateful),  and  I  tell  that  population,  "If 
you  don't  go  to  work,  the  negro,  by  his  patient  industry, 
will  pass  you."  In  the  long  run,  the  Nation  that  is  honest, 
the  people  who  are  industrious,  will  pass  the  people  who 
are  dishonest,  and  the  people  that  are  idle,  no  matter  how 
grand  an  aristocracy  they  may  have  had,  and  so  I  say,  Mr. 
Northern  Democrat,  look  out!  (Laughter.) 

The  superior  man  is  the  man  that  loves  his  fellow-man; 
the  superior  man  is  the  useful  man;  the  superior  man  is 
the  kind  man,  the  man  who  lifts  tip  his  down-trodden 
brothers;  and  the  greater  the  load  of  human  sorrow  and 
human  want  you  can  get  in  your  arms,  the  easier  you  can 
climb  the  great  hill  of  fame.  (Applause.)  The  superior 
man  is  tho  man  who  loves  his  fellow-man.  And  let  me 
say  right  here,  the  good  men,  the  superior  men,  the  grand 
men  are  brothers  the  world  over,  no  matter  what  their 


GREAT  SPEECHES  1 03 

complexion  may  be;  centuries  may  separate  them,  yet  they 
are  hand  in  hand;  and  all  the  good,  and  all  the  grand,  and 
all  the  superior  men,  shoulder  to  shoulder,  heart  to  heart, 
are  fighting  the  great  battle  for  the  progress  of  mankind. 
(Applause.) 

1  pity  the  man,  I  execrate  and  hate  the  man,  who  has 
only  to  brag  that  he  is  white.  (Laughter.)  Whenever  I 
am  reduced  to  that  necessity,  I  believe  shame  will  make  me 
red  instead  of  white.  I  believe  another  thing.  If  I  can 
not  hoe  my  row,  I  won't  steal  corn  from  the  fellow  that  hoes 
his  row.  (Laughter  and  applause.) 

If  I  belong  to  the  superior  race,  I  will  be  so  superior  that 
I  can  get  my  living  without  stealing  from  the  inferior. 
(Applause.)  I  believe  all  the  intellectual  ^domain  of  the 
future  is  open  to  pre-emption.  Every  man  that  finds  a 
fact  first,  that  is  his  fact;  every  man  that  thinks  the  thought 
first,  that  is  his  thought.  I  believe  that  every  round  on  the 
ladder  of  fame,  from  the  one  that  rests  upon  the  ground  to 
the  last  that  leans  against  the  shining  summit,  ambition, 
belongs  to  the  foot  that  gets  on  it  first.  (Applause.)  Mr. 
Democrat  (pointing  to  his  feet) — I  point  down  because  they 
are  nearly  all  on  the  first  round — Mr.  Democrat,  if  you 
can  not  climb,  stand  out  of  the  way  and  let  some  deserving 
negro  pass.  (Applause.)  I  am  perfectly  willing  that  any 
Democrat  in  the  world  that  can,  shall  pass  me.  I  have 
never  seen  one  yet,  except  when  I  looked  out  over  my 
shoulder.  (Laughter.)  But  if  they  can  pass,  I  shall  be  de 
lighted.  Whenever  we  stand  in  the  presence  of  genius,  we 
take  our  hats  off.  Whenever  we  stand  in  the  presence  of 
the  great  we  do  involuntary  homage,  as  it  were,  in  spite  of 
ourselves.  Any  one  who  can  go  by  is  welcome,  any  one  in 
the  world;  but  until  somebody  does  go  by,  of  the  Demo 
cratic  persuasion,  I  shall  not  trouble  myself  about  the  fact 


104  COL-  INGERSOLL'S 

that  maybe  in  some  future  time  they  may  get  by.  The 
Democrats  are  afraid  of  being  passed  because  they  are  being 
passed. 

I  must  tell  you  about 

» 

MY  HORSE  BAOB. 

I  like  to  tell  it.  I  enjoy  it  a  thousand  times  better  proba 
bly  than  you  do.  (Laughter.)  It  will  illustrate  who  is  being 
passed  in  the  great  race  of  life.  Suppose  we  were  going  to  have 
a  horse  race  here  to-day,  free  to  all  the  horses  in  the  world; 
to  scrubs,  to  mules,  even  to  donkeys.  It  is  a  splendid  day, 
and  we  all  go  out  to  the  track;  and  they  tap  the  drum,  and 
the  horses,  the  scrubs,  the  mules  and  the  donkeys  start  off 
together  under  the  wire,  so  that  their  noses  look  like  a  row 
of  marbles;  the  judges  say  go,  and  away  they  fly;  honor 
bright,  do  you  believe  that  the  head  horse,  the  blooded 
horse,  his  eyes  flashing  fire,  his  distended  nostrils  drinking 
the  breath  of  their  own  swiftness,  his  thin  neck,  his  high 
withers,  his  tremulous  flanks,  the  veins  standing  out  all 
over  his  body,  as  though  a  net  of  life  had  been  cast  upon 
him,  his  mane  flying  like  a  banner  of  victory — do  you  be 
lieve  that  horse  would  care  how  many  scrubs,  how  many 
mules,  how  many  donkeys  run  on  that  track?  (Laughter.) 
Honor  bright.  (Laughter.)  The  old  Democratic  chuckle- 
headed,  lop-eared,  long-bodied,  ehort-legged,  with  a  neck 
like  a  log,  tail  and  mane  full  of  cockle-burrs,  jump  high  and 
dig  in  deep  and  short — yon  have  seen  them  run ;  when  he 
would  feel  the  breath  of  the  mule  coming  on  his  cockle-burr 
tail,  he  is  the  fellow  that  would  fly  the  track  and  say:  "  I 
am  down  on  mule  equality."  (Laughter.)  Fellow  citizens, 
allow  me  to  say  that  the  Republican  party  is  the  blooded 
horse  in  the  race.  (Applause.) 

Ko  man  ever  was,  no  man  ever  will  be  the  superior  of 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  IOJ 

the  man  lie  robs.  No  man  ever  was,  no  man  ever  will  be 
the  superior  of  the  man  he  steals  from.  I  had  rather  be 
a  slave  than  a  slave  master.  I  had  rather  be  stolen  from 
than  be  a  thief.  I  had  rather  be  wronged  than  a  wrong 
doer.  And  allow  me  to  say  again  to  impress  it  forever  up 
on  every  man  that  hears,  you  are  always  the  inferior  of  the 
man  you  rob.  Any  race  is  inferior  to  the  race  it  tramples 
upon  and  robs.  (Cheers.)  There  never  was  a  man  that 
could  trample  upon  human  rights  and  be  superior  to  the 
man  upon  whom  he  trampled.  And  you  may  say  another 
thing.  No  Government  can  stand  founded  upon  the 
crushed  rights  of  simply  one  human  being,  and  any  com 
promise  we  make  with  the  South,  if  we  make  it  at  the  ex 
pense  of  our  friends,  will  carry  in  its  bosom  all  the  seeds; 
of  its  own  death  and  destruction  and  can  not  stand.  A 
Government  founded  upon  anything  except  liberty  and 
justice  can  not  and  ought  not  to  stand.  All  the  wrecks  on 
either  side  of  the  river  of  time,  all  the  wrecks  of  the  great 
cities  and  all  the  nations  that  have  passed  away — all  are  a 
warning  that  no  nation  founded  upon  injustice  can  stand. 
From  sand-enshrouded  Egypt,  from  the  marble  wilderness 
of  Athens,  from  every  fallen,  crumbling  stone  of  the  once 
mighty  Rome,  comes  a  wail,  as  it  were,  the  cry  that  no 
nation  founded  upon  injustice  can  permanently  stand. 
(Cheers.)  "We  must  found  this  nation  as  it  were  anew. 
We  must  fight  our  fight.  We  must  cling  to  our  own  party 
until  there  is  freedom  of  speech  over  every  part  of  the 
United  States.  We  must  cling  to  the  old  party  until  I 
can  speak  in  every  State  of  the  South  as  every  Southerner 
can  speak  in  every  State  of  the  North.  (Applause  and  a 
voice,  "  That's  good.")  We  "must  vote  the  grand  old  Re 
publican  ticket  until  there  is  the  same  liberty  in  every 
Southern  State  that  there  is  in  every  Northern,  Eastern  and 
Western  State. 


io6  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

dfE   MUST    STAND   BY   THE   PARTY 

until  every  Southern  man  will  admit  that  this  country  be 
longs  to  every  citizen  of  the  United  States  as  much  as  to 
the  man  that  is  born  in  that  country.  I  have  a  right  to 
stand  here  to-day — because  I  live  in  Illinois?  No.  Because 
the  State  flag  of  Illinois  waves  over  me?  "No.  Why?  Be 
cause  the  flag  of  the  United  States  waves  over  me.  I  owe 
no  allegiance  to  the  State  of  Illinois  except  that  which  is 
subordinate  to  the  allegiance  of  the  great,  grand  Union — 
the  United  States  of  America.  One  more  thing.  I  don't 
want  any  man  that  ever  fought  for  this  country  to  vote  the 
Democratic  ticket.  You  are  swapping  off  respectability 
for  disgrace.  There  are  thousands  of  you  great,  splendid, 
grand  men,  that  fought  as  grandly  for  the  Union  as  any 
body  else,  and  now  I  beseech  you,  and  now  I  beg  of  you, 
do  not  give  your  respectability  to  the  enemies  and  haters 
of  your  country.  (Applause.)  Don't  do  it.  Don't  vote 
with  the  Democratic  party  of  the  North.  Sometimes  1 
think  I  hate  the  rebel  sympathizer  in  the  North  worse  than 
the  rebel,  and  I  will  tell  you  why.  The  rebel  was  carried 
into  the  rebellion  by  political  opinion  at  home.  His  father, 
his  mother,  his  sweetheart,  his  brother,  everybody  he  knew, 
and  there  was  a  kind  of  wind,  a  kind  of  tornado,  a  kind  of 
whirlwind  that  took  him  into  the  rebel  army.  He  went 
into  the  rebel  army  along  with  his  State.  The  Northern 
Democrat  went  against  his  own  State;  went  against  his  own 
Government;  and  went  against  public  opinion  at  home. 
The  Northern  Democrat  rowed  up  stream  against  wind  and 
tide.  The  Southern  rebel  went  with  the  current;  the 
Northern  Democrat  rowed  against  it  from  pure,  simple  cus- 
sedness.  (Prolonged  laughter.)  And  I  beg  every  man 
that  ever  fought  for  this  Union,  every  man  that  ever 
bared  his  bosom  to  a  storm  of  shot  and  shell,  I  beg  him,  I 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  I  Of 

Implore  him,  do  not  go  with  the  Democratic  party.  And 
every  young  man  within  the  sound  of  my  voice,  do  not  tie 
vour  bright  and  shining  prospects  to  that 

OLD  COKPSE  OF  DEMOCRACY. 

Yon  will  get  tired  of  dragging  it  around,  yet  won't  you 
get  tired  of  smelling  it?    (Applause  and  laughter.)     Don't 
cast  your  first  vote  for  the  men  that  were  the  enemies  of 
your  country.     Don't  cast  your  first  vote  for  the  Democratic 
party  that  was  stopping  the  army  when  beset.     Don't  cast 
your  vote  for  that  party  which  never  rose  right  when  the 
old  flag  was  trailed  in  disaster  upon  the  field  of  battle.     Re 
member,  my  friends,  that  that  party  did  every  mean  thing 
it  could — every  dishonest,  every  treasonable  thing  it  could. 
Recollect  that  that  party  did  all  it  could  to  divide  this  Na 
tion,  to  destroy  this  country.    Recollect  that  the  Democratic 
party  did  that  when  your  brothers,  your  fathers,  your  chiv- 
alric  sons  were  fighting,  bleeding,  suffering,  dying  upon 
the  battle  fields  of  the  South.     Recollect  that  this  Demo 
cratic  party  was  false  to  the  Nation  when  your  husbands, 
your  fathers,  your  brothers  and  your  chivalric  sons  were 
lying  in  the  hospitals  of  pain,  dreaming  broken  dreams  of 
home,  and  seeing  fever-pictures  of  the  ones  they  loved. 
Recollect  that  the  Democratic  party  was  false  to  the  Nation 
when  your  husbands,  your  fathers,  your  brothers  and  your 
chivalric  sons  were  lying  alone  upon  the  field  of  battle  at 
night,  the  life-blood  oozing  slowly  from  the  mangled,  pallid 
lips  of  death.     Recollect  that  the  Democratic  party  was 
false  to  this  country  when  your  husbands,  your  fathers,  your 
brothers  and  your  chivalric  sons  were  in  the  prison-pens  of 
the  South,  with  no  covering  but  the  clouds,  with  no  bed  but 
the  frozen  earth,  with  no  food  except  such  as  worms  had  re 
fused,  and  with  no  friends  except  insanity  and  death.     Rec 
ollect  it,  and 


lo8  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

SPUKN  .THAT  PAETY  FOKEVEK. 

I  have  sometimes  wished  that  there  were  words  of  pure 
hatred  out  of  which  I  might  construct  sentences  like  snakes 
— out  of  which  I  might  construct  sentences  that  had  mouths 
fanged,  that  had  forked  tongues — out  of  which  I  might 
construct  sentences  that  writhed  and  hissed,  then  I  could 
give  my  opinion  of  the  Northern  allies  of  Southern  rebels 
during  the  great  struggle  for  the  preservation  of  this  Na 
tion.  (Cheers.) 

Let  me  say  one  word  more  and  I  am  done.  (Cries  of 
"  Go  on.")  The  youngest  man  here,  the  youngest  child 
here,  will  never  live  long  enough  to  see  a  Democrat  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States.  (Cries  of  " Good"  and  "Nev 
er,"  and  applause.)  No  man  can  carry  that  aggregation  of 
rascality,  that  aggregation  of  treasonable  practices,  that  ag 
gregation  of  Southern  sympathizers,  that  aggregation  of 
traitors,  that  aggregation  of  men  that  endeavored  to  destroy 
this  country — no  man  can  carry  their  reputation  on  his 
back  and  -make  a  successful  run  for  the  Presidency  of  the 
United  States.  (Cries  of  "  Never,  never.")  No  man  can 
carry  Secession  upon  his  shoulders.  No  man  can  carry 
Libby  Prison,  no  man  can  carry  Andersonville,  no  man 
can  carry  the  history  of  the  Democratic  party,  and  get  a 
majority  of  votes  in  the  United  States.  (Cries  of  "  Never,'' 
and  applause.)  For  myself,  I  have  no  fear. 

HAYES  AND  WHEELER 

will  be  the  next  President  and  Yice  President  of  the  Uni 
ted  States  of  America.  (Cheers.)  Let  me  beg  of  you,  let 
me  implore  you,  let  me  beseech  you,  every  man,  come  out 
on  election  day.  Every  man  do  your  duty,  and  every  man 
do  his  duty  in  regard  to  the  State  ticket  of  the  great  and 
glorious  State  of  Illinois.  (Cheers.)  We  have  a  man  run- 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  1 09 

ning  for  Governor,  a  gentleman.  We  have  a  man  running 
for  Governor  who  will  be  an  honor  to  the  State  when  he  is 
elected.  Do  not  let  us  play  the  fool  like  the  State  of  Indi 
ana.  Do  not  let  us  believe  that  there  is  so  much  connec 
tion  between  patriotism  and  any  kind  of  eccentricity.  Let 
us  vote  for  the  men  we  know.  I  want  to  see  Shelby  M. 
Cullom  and  Andrew  Shuman  the  next  Governor  and  Lieu 
tenant  Governor  of  the  State  of  Illinois.  Stand  by  our 
ticket.  Vote  for  every  Republican  on  the  ticket.  This 
year  we  need  men  who  vote  with  the  party,  and  I  tell  you 
that  a  Republican  this  year,  no  matter  what  you  have  got 
against  him,  no  matter  whether  you  like  him  or  do  not  like 
him,  is  better  for  the  country — no  matter  how  much  you 
hate  him — he  is  better  for  the  country  than  any  Democrat 
Nature  can  make,  or  ever  has  made.  We  must  in  this  su 
preme  election,  we  must  at  this  supreme  moment,  vote  only 
for  the  men  who  are  in  favor  of  keeping  this  Government 
in  the  power,  in  the  custody,  in  the  control  of  the  great, 
sublime  Republican  party. 

Ladies  and  gentlemen,  if  I  were  insensible  to  the  honor 
you  have  done  me  by  this  magnificent  meeting,  the  most 
magnificent  I  ever  saw  on  earth,  a  meeting  such  as  only 

THE   MARVELOUS   CITY   OF   PLUCK 

could  produce — if  I  were  insensible  to  the  honor  it  does 
me,  I  should  be  made  of  stone.  I  shall  remember  it  with 
delight;  I  shall  remember  it  with  thankfulness  all  the 
days  of  my  life,  and  I  ask  you  in  return — every  Re 
publican  here — to  remember  all  the  days  of  your  life 
every  sacrifice  made  by  this  Nation  for  liberty,  every 
sacrifice  made  by  every  patriotic  man  and  woman.  I 
do  not  ask  you  to  remember  any  revenge,  but  I  ask  yon 
never,  never,  to  forget,  as  the  world  swings  through  the 


no  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

constellations,  year  after  year — I  want  the  memory,  I  want 
the  patriotic  memory  of  this  country  to  sit  by  the  grave  of 
every  Union  soldier,  and,  while  her  eyes  are  filled  with 
tears,  to  crown  him  again  and  again  with  the  crown  of 
everlasting  honor. 

I  thank  you,  I  thank  you,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  a  thou 
sand  times.  Good  night 

[NOTE. — While  thousands  of  torches,  in  the  hands  of  Republican 
Minute-men  and  Boys  in  Blue,  were  marching  through  the  streets  of 
Chicago,  like  a  vast  army  with  banners,  last  Saturday  evening,  the  great 
Exposition  Building  was  filling  up  with  an  immense  throng  of  people» 
attracted  thither  by  the  announcement  that  Col.  Robert  G.  Ingersoll,  the 
most  brilliant  orator  of  the  present  political  campaign,  would  there  ad 
dress  our  citizens  on  the  issues  and  candidates  of  the  pending  contest. 
By  eight  o'clock  there  was  an  audience  of  at  least  thirty  thousand  people 
gathered  in  that  great  building,  and  many  thousands  more,  being  unable 
to  get  within  hearing  distance  of  the  platform,  returned  to  the  street  to 
wait  for  or  witness  the  march  of  the  grand  procession. 

Never  before,  that  we  know  of,  has  such  an  immense  assemblage  of 
people  come  together  in  this  city  to  hear  or  honor  one  man,  on  a  political 
or  any  other  occasion.  And  the  frequent  applause  and  enthusiastic 
cheering  that  greeted  the  orator's  utterances  indicated  that  his  audience 
was  in  close  sympathy  with  him.  They  were,  for  the  most  part,  Repub 
licans.  It  is  worthy  of  note,  also,  that  there  were  many  ladies  present. 

At  about  eight  o'clock  Colonel  Ingersoll,  under  the  escort  of  two  hun 
dred  veteran  soldiers  and  a  band,  reachsd  the  Exposition  Building,  and 
mounting  the  stage,  he  was  received  with  tremendous  and  oft-repeated 
cheering. 

No  time  was  lost.  Hon.  George  M.  Bogue  called  the  meeting  to  order, 
and  announced  Andrew  Shuman  as  President  of  the  evening.  Mr.  Shu- 
man  at  once  stepped  forward  and  said,  "  Ladies  and  gentlemen:  Colonel 
Robert  G.  Ingersoll."  The  Colonel  then  took  the  stand  amid  a  storm  of 
applause,  which  was  rapturous  and  long-continued. 


THE  OLD  MILL. 


COL.    INGERSOLL'l 


Speech  at  Lewiston,  Me.,  Sept.  10, 1880. 

LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN: — This  is,  in  my  opinion,  the 
grandest  and  best  country  in  the  world.  (A  voice,  "  Bully 
for  you,"  followed  by  cheers.)  And  when  I  speak  of  "  Our 
country,"  I  mean  the  North,  East  and  "West.  There  are 
parts  of  this  country  that  are  not  yet  civilized.  There  are 
parts  of  this  country  in  which  the  people  do  not  believe  in 
the  great  principle  of  self-government.  In  other  words, 
they  don't  believe  in  being  governed  at  all.  (Laughter.) 
The  question  we  must  settle  is,  whether  our  Government 
shall  be  preserved  or  not.  That  is  the  question  for  us.  And 
the  North  must  decide  it!  The  Republicans,  Democrats 
and  Greenbackers  of  the  North,  when  they  understand  it  as  I 
understand  it,  will  all  unite  and  overwhelm  the  solidity  of 
barbarism  with  the  solidity  of  civilization.  (Applause.) 
I  do  not  pretend  that  the  Republican  party  is  perfectly 
good,  and  I  do  not  pretend  that  the  Democratic  party  is 
perfectly  bad.  I  admit  that  there  are  thousands  of  good 
Democrats,  men  whom  I  like;  And  I  cheerfully  admit, 
with  a  mixture  of  regret,  that  there  are  many  Republicans 
whom  I  do  not  like.  (Laughter.)  But  there  are  thousands 
of  only  bad  Democrats,  and  there  are  thousands  of  only 
good  Republicans. 

Now  I  think  this  is  a  good  country.  If  so,  I  am  bound 
to  do  all  I  can  to  preserve  it;  I  am  bound  to  do  all  I  can  to 
make  it  better.  Man  is  the  providence  of  man.  As  long 
as  I  live  (whatever  party  may  be  in  power  and  have  the 
handling  of  the  offices)  I  mean  to  talk  on  the  side  of  human 
liberty.  (Cheers  and  applause.)  The  reason  why  I  admire 
a  good  government  is  because  the  people  are  made  happy. 
What's  the  good  of  government  unless  the  people  are  happy? 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  113 

unless  they  have  plenty  to  eat  and  to  wear?  Now  I  believe 
that  ir 

OTTR  COTJNTKY 

we've  got  more  kind  husbands,  more  good  women,  that  we 
wear  better  clothes,  and  that  our  clothes  fit  us  better  on  an 
average  (great  laughter)  than  in  any  other  country  on  the 
globe.  We've  got  more  information.  We  know  more  things 
about  more  things.  We've  got  greater  charity  and  a  fuller 
.sense  of  justice  than  any  other  people  on  the  face  of  the 
globe.  Now  how  is  it  we've  got  a  good  Government?  We've 
taken  the  failures  of  all  other  Nations!  We've  taken  the 
paupers  of  all  other  countries!  And  of  their  paupers  we've 
made  grander  men  than  the  nobility  they've  left  behind 
them  in  their  old  countries.  (Applause.) 

I  believe  in  a  country  where  every  man  nas  an  equal 
chance.  That's  the  reason  why  I  work  for  the  Republican 
party.  Now,  if  there's  anything  that's  dear  to  an  Ameri 
can  citizen  it's  the  right  of  free  speech!  (Loud  applause.) 
The  grand  reason  is  that  every  human  being  has  a  right  to 
Jthe  public  ear.  If  a  man  can  not  speak,  others  can  not 
hear.  The  right  of  free  speech  is  the  priceless  gem  of  the 
human  soul.  (Applause.)  And  a  man  that  don't  allow 
another  man  the  right  of  free  speech  is  a  barbarian.  What 
is  the  use  of  free  speech,  if  all  the  results  of  free  speech  are 
to  be  reversed  by  fraud?  What's  the  use  for  the  counsel  on 
one  side  of  a  case  to  address  a  jury,  if,  before  he  com 
mences,  the  jury  has  been  bought?  What's  the  use  to  try  a 
man,  if,  after  he's  tried,  he's  taken  out  and  hung  by  a  mob? 
(Laughter.) 

This  is  a  Government  Ox  ^loerty  regulated  bylaw.  This 
is  a  Government  founded  on  reason.  This  is  a  Government 
where  the  people  have  honest  thought  on  every  subject.  The 
8 


H4  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

man  who  has  these  privileges  himself  and  is  not  willing  to 
accord  them  to  others  is  a  barbarian.  I  believe  it.  So  do 
you.  (Applause.)  I'm  not  going  to  say  a  word  to  exclude 
my  Democratic  hearers.  They  believe  it  as  well  as  I  do. 
(Laughter.)  It  makes  no  matter  what  they  say  with  their 
mouths.  Inside  they'll  swear  to  it.  (Uncontrollable 
laughter.)  When  a  man  hears  what  he  knows  to  be  true,  he 
feel  sit,  no  matter  what  he  says.  I'm  not  going  to  say  a 
word  that  a  Democrat  will  dispute.  Is  there  a  Democrat 
who  denies  the  common  right  of  free  speech?  He  dare  not 
say  it!  Is  there  a  Democrat  who  denies  the  right  to  talk  and 
breathe  in  one  common  air?  He  dare  not  say  it!  (Applause.) 

Now,  if  that  liberty  is  to  be  preserved,  whom  will  you 
have  preserve  it?  Honor  bright,  now!  (Tremendous  ap 
plause  and  laughter.)  Will  you  appoint  the  South  to  keep 
that  treasure?  (Cries  of  "  No.")  Will  you  leave  it  to  Ala 
bama?  Is  there  a  Democrat  here  who  doesn't  know  that  a 
man  stands  no  chance  for  the  right  of  free  speech  in  Ala 
bama?  I'm  not  going  there!  I'm  not  going  to  put  my 
self  into  the  hands  of  a  State  where  there  is  no  law.  I'm 
going  farther  off,  and  the  longer  the  lever  the  more  1  can 
lift!  Maine  is  a  good  place  in  which  to  begin.  Let  a  Re 
publican  try  it  in  Alabama  and  see  how  soon  he'll  get  Ku- 
Kluxed.  Let  a  Greenbacker  try  it,  and  see  how  soon  he'll 
get  mobbed  for  attempting  to  draw  voters  away  from  the 
Democratic  party! 

I'll  admit  there  are  thousands  of  good  men  in 

THE   DEMOCRATIC  PARTY, 

but  those  men  are  not  in  the  ascendant.  They  don't  hold 
the  power.  There  are  many  honest  men  in  the  party,  but 
their  voice  has  been  lost.  I'd  rather  trust  Maine  with  my 
right  to  free  speech  than  Louisiana.  I'd  rather  intrust 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  1 1 JJ 

Massachusetts  than  Louisiana.  In  order  to  preserve  this 
right,  the  North  must  be  kept  in  power.  (Loud  applause.) 
There  is  an  aristocracy  in  the  South,  based  on  a  trade  in  hu 
man  beings.  They  are  men  who  believed  that  lashes  were 
a  legal  tender  for  a  human  being.  That  is  the  kind  of  aris 
tocracy  there  is  in  the  South.  I  sometimes  feel  like  find 
ing  fault  with  the  North  because  she  ain't  proud  enough.  I 
want  the  time  to  come  when  a  Northern  man  will  be  as 
proud  because  his  father  was  an  honest  man,  as  a  Southern 
man  is  proud  because  his  father  was  a  slaveholder.  I  want 
the  time  to  come  when  we  will  be  as  proud  of  breaking  the 
chains  of  the  slave  as  they  were  of  forging  them.  (Ap 
plause.) 

In  this  country  we  have  our  sovereign,  our  King — one 
power.  That  is  the  legally  expressed  will  of  the  majority 
of  the  people.  That's  our  King.  (Applause.)  Every  soli 
tary  voter  has  a  certain  amount  of  King!  Any  man  that 
will  throw  an  illegal  vote;  any  man  that  will  count  votes 
illegally  after  they  have  been  thrown,  is  a  traitor  to  the 
great  principles  of  our  Government.  He  is  a  traitor  to  the 
only  King  we  have.  He  deserves  the  punishment  of  a  trai 
tor,  too.  Now,  who  are  you  going  to  have  count  your  votes 
and  protect  your  ballot-box  for  you?  (A  voice,  "Garfield.") 
And  he'll  do  it,  too.  Are  you  going  to  have  the  South  pro 
tect  your  ballot-box  for  you?  In  the  South  elections  are  a 
farce.  It  is  there  that  Bulldozing  holds  the  election,  Dis 
honesty  counts  their  votes,  and  Fraud  declares  the  result! 
(Prolonged  cheers  and  applause.)  Now  it  is  a  fact,  my 
friends,  that  since  the  Rebellion  the  South  has  killed  more 
men,  in  a  time  of  profound  peace,  than  our  country  lost  in 
the  two  wars  with  Great  Britain!  Are  they  the  men  you 
will  have  to  protect  your  ballot-box?  Do  you  want  to  leare 
it  with  the  masked  man  who  shoots  fathers,  mothers  and 


Il6  COL.  INGERSOLI/S 

children?  Oh,  Mr.  Honest  Greenbacker  and  Democrat! 
'Way  down  in  your  soul  I  know  you  say  "  JSTo!  "  no  matter 
what  you  say  outside.  (Immense  applause.)  Do  you  want  the 
Chalmers,  the  Hamptons,  and  the  murderers  of  Coushatta  to 
hold  your  ballot-box?  I  guess  not!  (Cheers.) 

ME.  CHALMERS 

comes  here  to  Maine,  and  the  people  of  Maine  regard  it  as 
an  honor  to  themselves  that  they  allow  him  to  waste  their 
air  without  opposition!  Let  a  Republican  go  down  into 
the  Shoestring  District  in  Mississippi,  and  try  to  express 
his  sentiments  and  see  how  long  he  can  stay  there! 

"We  want  an  honest  vote,  and  after  an  honest  vote  we 
want  an  honest  count.  Come  a  little  nearer  home,  now! 
(Laughter.)  Do  you  want  the  Democrats  of  Maine  to 
count  your  votes  for  local  affairs  ?  Of  course,  I  don't  know 
much  about  your  local  affairs.  I  know  enough  to  make 
me  blush  to  think  that  Maine  had  men  that  were  guilty  of 
thai  great  treason  of  last  winter!  (Great  applause.)  I 
know  enough  to  know  that  that  they  ought  to  have  been 
sent  to  the  Penitentiary!  I  know  enough  to  know  that 
that  great  crime  has  made  the  cheeks  of  Maine  red  with  the 
hectic  flush  of  shame.  The  only  way  to  wipe  it  off  is  to 
give  Governor  Davis  at  least  10,000  or  15,000  majority  in 
September!  (Cheers.)  Ton  must  tell  the  whoie  country 
that  Maine  is  a  State  of  law  abiding  people,  and  that  no 
great  crime  can  go  unpunished.  You  must  declare  to  the 
world  that  in  your  State  every  vote  shall  be  honestly 
counted  and  honestly  declared.  You  must  do  that  much 
to  save  the  honor  of  your  State.  Honest  Greenbackers  and 
Democrats,  you  must  vote  the  Republican  ticket  this  fall, 
for  the  honor  of  your  State!  No  use  for  you  to  vote  for 
your  man,  he  won't  be  elected.  (Cheers  and  laughter.) 


GREAT  SPEECHES. 

There  are  thousands  of  honest  Democrats  who  wouldn't 
steal  a  ballot-box.  There  are  thousands  of  Democrats  who 
wouldn't  rob  a  henroost,  who  wouldn't  steal  the  shroud  that 
covered  a  dead  man.  Mr.  Good  Democrat,  if  you  have  any 
self-respect,  teach  your  leaders  that  you  follow  nowhere 
where  virtue  does  not  lead. 

I  learn  that  the  Democratic  party  has  had  cheek  enough 
to  pass  a  resolution  declaring  that  the  right  to  vote  is  the 
right  preservative  of  all  rights!  Can  you  believe  that  is 
the  same  party  that  stuffs  ballot-boxes  and  carries  elections 
by  bulldozing?  The  same  party  that  believes  that  being  a 
Republican  is  a  crime?  "  Oh,"  you  ask  me,  "  ain't  you 
ever  going  to  forgive  the  Democratic  party  ? "  No !  I'm 
not  going  to  forgive  them  until  I  can  speak  as  freely  in  one 
part  of  the  laud  as  another,  protected  by  the  old  flag! 
(Applause.)  And  I  ought  not  to !  The  men  who  tried  to 
repeal  the  constitutional  amendments;  the  men  who  tried 
to  keep  the  negro  in  the  chains  of  slavery!  Is  it  possible 
that  that  is  the  same  party  who  now  passes  a  resolution  about 
the  "right  preservative  of  all  rights?"  I  guess  it  is  the 
same  old  party !  (Great  laughter.) 

This  reminds  me  of  the  story  about  the  man  who  wanted 
to  buy  a  family  horse.  He  went  into  a  Boston  stable,  and 
the  keeper  showed  him  a  handsome  bay.  ^  Oh,  that  one 
won't  do  for  me.  I  want  one  that's  handsome,  spirited  and 
safe,"  said  the  man.  The  dealer  brought  out  another  horse. 
"  Oh,  he's  too  logy,"  said  the  man.  Then  they  came  along 
to  a  handsome  gray.  "  There,"  said  the  dealer,  "  is  a  horse 
;  I  wouldn't  part  with.  I  keep  it  for  my  wife.  She  thinks 
more  of  him  than  she  does  of  me!  Ton  know  General 
Bonks  has  a  steel  engraving  of  the  horse  that  George 
Washington  rode.  Well,  horsemen  who  have  seen  that 
picture  say  that  this  horse  looks  exactly  like  that  one." 


iiS  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

"  Yes,"  said  the  man  looking  at  the  horse's  teeth,  "  I'll  be 
d d  if  I  don't  believe  it  is  the  same  horse."  (Tremen 
dous  laughter.) 

So  I  find  it  is  the  same  party,  precisely.  I  can't  trust  it. 
Why?  Because  I  want  free  speech.  I  want  an  honest  bal 
lot.  And  what  else?  1  know  the  history  of  that  party! 

REVENUE. 

What  else  have  we  got  to  have  in  this  country?  We 
have  got  to  have  a  revenue  to  pay  our  bills  with.  Can  you 
trust  the  Democratic  party  to  raise  our  revenue?  That's 
the  question.  Let  me  tell  you  how  it  is  in  the  South.  We 
get  a  large  proportion  of  our  revenue  by  a  tax  on  high- 
wines,  whisky  and  tobacco.  It  is  a  fact  that  the  collectors 
of  revenue  in  the  Southern  States  have  to  be  armed  as 
though  they  were  going  to  war.  There  is  not  one  but  who 
goes  armed  with  a  breech-loading  gun!  It  is  necessary 
when  the  Democrats  have  complete  control.  Let's  be 
honest  about  it! 

Do  you  want  them  to  get  rid  of  paying  their  taxes?  Do 
we  want  the  people  where  the  soil  is  rich  to  have  their  taxes 
paid  by  people  where  the  soil  is  poor?  How  many  illicit 
distilleries  have  been  found  in  the  South?  Just  guess.  I'll 
tell  you.  In  the  last  four  years,  in  the  Southern  States, 
3,871  illicit  distilleries  have  been  uncovered.  They're  the 
gentlemen  whom  you  wish  to  trust  with  the  collection  of 
your  revenue.  If  you  trust  them,  you'll  be  like  the  minis 
ter.  Two  ministers  were  holding  a  revival  in  a  certain 
place.  After  the  services  one  of  them  passed  around  the 
hat.  The  congregation  threw  in  a  lot  of  old  nails  and  sticks, 
but  no  money.  The  minister  turned  his  hat  up,  and  out 
came  the  old  nails!  He  couldn't  find  a  cent  of  money. 
"  Well,"  said  the  other  minister,  "  let  us  thank  God." 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  119 

"  What  for?"  asked  the  first  minister.  (Laughter.)  "Be 
cause  we've  got  the  hat  back! "  (Uproarious  laughter.) 
You  depend  on  the  Southern  people  for  your  revenue,  and 
you'll  be  fortunate  if  you  can  thank  God  you've  got  your 
hat  back! 

How  many  men,  in  the  Southern  States,  do  you  suppose 
have  been  arrested  for  stealing  revenue?  Seven  thousand 
and  seventy-eight  have  been  arrested  and  indicted!  Think 
of  that!  They're  the  gentlemen  whom  the  Democrats  of 
Maine  wish  to  have  collect  their  revenue.  They're  the 
gentlemen  that  Greenbackers  have  joined  the  Demo 
crats  to  help  along!  Twenty-five  collectors  of  revenue 
have  been  shot  dead  in  the  South  by  ambushed  Demo 
crats.  Twenty-five  by  men  who  hid  in  the  bush  to 
shoot  officers  of  the  United  States,  and  make  wid 
ows  and  orphans  of  their  wives  and  children!  They're 
the  men!  What  has  been  done  with  them?  They  have 
been  defended  by  the  State  authorities.  What  more  did 
they  do?  They  have  wounded  fifty-five  more! 

And  still  we've  got  to  pay  interest  on  over  $1,900,000,000 
of  bonds.  Are  we  going  to  let  them  collect  it?  (Cries  of 
"No.")  Of  course  not.  No  sensible  man  would! 

MONEY. 

Another  thing.  We've  got  to  make  our  money.  On  this 
point  I  differ  with  some  Republicans.  I  am  in  favor  of  a 
double  standard,  because  this  is  the  greatest  silver-produc 
ing  country  on  the  earth.  We  want  a  National  money.  I 
want  to  say -a  few  words  to  Greenbackers.  They  have  done 
a  great  deal  of  good.  They  have  opened  the  way  to  our 
examination  of  the  whole  question.  The  Greenbackers 
made  resumption  possible.  They  went  into  every  school  dis 
trict  in  the  country,  and  stuck  to  it  that  the  greenback 


I2O  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

was  the  best  money  in  the  world.  (Laughter.)  And  they 
convinced  so  many  of  it  that,  when  they  were  offered  gold 
they  said,  "  No;  we  want  greenbacks."  If  we  all  had  de 
manded  gold,  our  resumption  would  have  been  impossible. 
But  we  preferred  greenbacks.  I  want  to  thank  the  Green- 
backers  for  that  much!  Having  accomplished  that, . I 
think  their  mission  is  ended.  (Laughter.) 

No  man  can  calculate  the  grandeur  of  this  country  from 
'73  to  resumption.  Oh,  my  friends,  it's  a  great  deed  to  die 
for  one's  country!  But  I  think  there  is  the  greatest  heroism 
in  living  for  a  thing!  There's  no  glory  in  digging  potatoes. 
You  don't  wear  a  uniform  when  you're  picking  up  stones- 
You  can't  have  a  band  of  music  when  you  dig  potatoes! 
(Prolonged  laughter.)  In  1873  came  the  great  crash.  "We 
staggered  over  the  desert  of  bankruptcy.  !No  one  car  esti 
mate  the  anguish  of  that  time.  Millionaires  found  them 
selves  paupers.  Palaces  were  exchanged  for  hovels.  The 
aged  man  who  had  spent  his  life  in  hard  labor,  and  who 
thought  he  had  accumulated  enough  to  support  himself  in 
his  old  age,  and  leave  a  little  something  to  his  children  and 
grand-children,  found  they  were  all  beggars.  The  high 
ways  were  filled  with  tramps. 

REPUDIATION. 

Then  it  was  that  the  serpent  of  temptation  whispered  in 
the  ear  of  want  that  dreadful  word  "  Eepudiation."  An 
effort  was  made  to  repudiate.  They  appealed  to  want,  to 
misery,  to  threatened  financial  ruin,  to  the  bare  hearth 
stones,  to  the  army  of  beggars.  We  had  grandeur  enough 
to  say,  "  No;  we'll  settle  fair  if  we  don't  pay  a  cent!"  And 
we'll  pay  it.  (Applause.)  'Twas  grandeur!  Is  there  a 
Democrat  now  who  wishes  we  had  taken  the  advice  of 
Bayard  to  scale  the  bonds?  Is  there  an  American,  a  Dem- 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  121 

ocrat  here,  who  is  not  glad  we  escaped  the  stench  and 
shame  of  repudiation,  and  did  not  take  Democratic  advice? 
Is  there  a  Greenbacker  here  who  is  not  glad  we  didn't  do 
it?  He  may  say  he  is,  but  he  isn't.  We  then  had  to  pay  seven 
per  cent,  interest  on  our  bonds.  Now  we  only  pay  four. 
Our  greenbacks  were  then  at  ten  per  cent  discount  Now 
they  are  at  par.  How  would  an  American  feel  to  be  in 
Germany  or  France,  and  hear  it  said  that  the  United  States 
repudiated?  "We  have  found  out  that  money  is  something 
that  can't  be  made.  We  have  found  out  that  money  is  a 
product  of  Nature.  When  a  Nation  gets  hard  up,  it  is  right 
and  proper  for  it  to  give  its  notes;  and  it  should  pay  them 
We  have  found  out  that  it  is  better  to  trust  for  payment  to 
the  miserly  cleft  of  the  rocks  than  to  any  Congress  blown 
about  by  the  wind  of  demagogues.  We  want  our  money 
good  in  any  civilized  Nation.  Yes,  we  want  it  good  in  Central 
Africa!  (Applause.)  And  when  a  naked  Hottentot  sees  a 
United  States  greenback  blown  about  by  the  wind,  he  will 
pick  it  up  as  eagerly  as  if  it  was  a  lump  of  gold.  (Laugh 
ter.)  They  say  even  now  that  money  is  a  device  to  facili 
tate  exchange.  'Tisn't  so!  Gold  is  not  a  device.  Silver 
is  not  a  device.  You  might  as  well  attempt  to  make  fiat 
suns  and  stars  as  a  fiat  dollar.  (Applause.) 

WHAT  MONET  ISN'T. 

Again  they  say  that  money  is  a  measure  of  value.  'Tisn't 
so!  A  bushel  doesn't  measure  values.  It  measures 
diamonds  as  well  as  potatoes.  If  it  measured  values,  a 
bushel  of  potatoes  would  be  worth  as  much  as  a  bushel  of 
diamonds.  A  yard-stick  doesn't  measure  values.  They 
used  to  say,  "  There  is  no  use  in  having  a  gold  yard-stick." 
That  was  right.  You  don't  buy  the  yard-stick.  (Great 
laughter.)  If  money  bore  the  same  relation  to  trade  as  a 


122  COL.    INGERSOLL'S 

yard-stick  or  half-bushel,  you  would  have  the  same  money 
when  you  got  through  trading  as  you  had  when  you  begun. 
A  man  don't  sell  half-bushels.  He  sells  corn.  All  we  want 
is  a  little  sense  about  these  things. 

I  don't  blame  the  man  who  wanted  inflation.  I  don't 
blame  him  for  praying  for  another  period  of  inflation- 
"  When  it  comes,"  said  the  man  who  had  a  lot  of  shrunken 
property  on  his  hands,  "  blame  me,  if  I  don't  unload,  you 
may  shoot  me."  It's  a  good  deal  like  the  game  of  poker! 
(Laughter.)  I  don't  suppose  any  of  you  know  anything 
about  that  game!  Along  toward  morning  the  fellow  who 
is  ahead  always  wants  another  deal.  The  fellow  that  is  be 
hind  says  his  wife's  sick,  and  he  must  go  home.  (Laugh 
ter.)  You  ought  to  hear  that  fellow  descant  on  domestic 
virtue!  (Uproarious  laughter.)  And  the  other  fellow  ac 
cuses  him  of  being  a  coward  and  wanting  to  jump  the  game. 
A  man  whose  dead  wood  is  hung  up  on  the  shore  in  a  dry 
time  wants  the  water  to  rise  once  more  and  float  it  out  into 
the  middle  of  the  stream. 

"We  were  in  trouble.  The  thing  was  discussed.  Some 
said  there  wasn't  enough  money.  That's  so;  I  know  what 
that  means  myself.  They  said  if  we  had  more  money  we'd 
be  more  prosperous.  The  truth  is,  if  we  were  more  pros 
perous  we'd  have  more  money.  (Applause.)  They  said 
more  money  would  facilitate  business. 

A  GREASE  STORY. 

Now,  suppose  a  shareholder  in  a  railroad  that  had  earned 
$18,000  the  past  year  should  look  over  the  books  and  find 
thatinthat  year  the  railroad  had  used  $12,000  worh  of  grease. 
The  next  year,  suppose  the  earnings  should  fall  off  $5,000, 
and  the  man,  in  looking  over  the  accounts,  should  lenrn 
that  in  that  year  the  road  had  used  only  $500  wortfc  of 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  I2J 

grease  I  (Laughter.)  Supposing  the  man  should  say: 
"The  trouble  is,  we  want  more  grease."  What  would  you 
think  of  a  man  if  he  discharged  the  superintendent  for  not 
using  more  grease?  (Perfect  gale  of  laughter  and  applause.) 
Here  we  come  to  a  ferryman  with  his  boat  hauled  up  on 
the  sand,  and  the  river  dry.  "How's  business?"  we  ask 
him.  He  says  business  is  rather  dull.  We  say,  "You 
need  more  boats."  I  guess  he'd  tell  us,  "  All  I  ask  for  is 
more  water  for  this  one."  (Laughter.) 

1  said  years  ago,  that  resumption  would  come  only  by 
prosperity,  and  the  only  way  to  pay  debts  was  by  labor.  I 
knew  that  every  man  who  raised  a  bushel  of  corn  helped  re 
sumption.  It  was  a  question  of  crops,  a  question  of  in 
dustry. 

REPUBLICAN  HONESTY. 

Wow  then,  honor  bright,  don't  you  believe  you're  better 
off  than  if  you  hadn't  resumed?  I  don't  care  what  you  say  1 
I  know  what  you  mean.  The  Republicans  have  made  mis 
takes.  There  are  good  and  bad  men  in  all  parties.  We  have 
collected  in  the  year  past  $468,000,000  of  revenue.  And 
we  have  collected  it  cheaper  then  it  could  have  been  col 
lected  in  any  other  country  in  the  world.  It  cost  us,  1  be 
lieve,  3^  per  cent,  to  collect  it.  And  of  the  whole  amount 
not  a  dollar  has  been  lost.  Can  the  Democrats  equal  that? 
(Cries  of  "  No.")  Do  you  now  wish  your  bonds  had  been 
repudiated?  I  guess  not!  Do  you  now  wish  you  had 
adopted  the  Democratic  policy?  I  want  to  ask  yon,  Demo 
crats,  one  question.  Which  had  you  rather  own,  a  bond  of 
Maine  or  a  bond  of  Tennessee?  a  Southern  promise  or  a 
Northern  performance?  Southern  words  or  Northern  gold! 
You  must  decide  the  question  for  yourselves.  Every  man 
of  us  is  an  agent  of  the  United  States  of  America.  Each 

0 


124  COL-  INGERSOLL'S 

man  of  us  has  a  part  to  perform.  In  him  depends,  in  part, 
whether  we  shall  have  true  Government  or  notl  That's 
why  I  want  you  to  think  carefully  on  these  things; 

THE    BEST   PEOPLE. 

Another  thing.  "We  want  to  trust  the  Government  to  the 
best  people.  Now,  the  best  State  in  the  South  is  Georgia. 
In  that  State  criminals  are  rented  out  to  task-masters,  like 
slaves,  for  $10  or  $11  a  piece.  They  have  overseers.  They 
have  the  power  of  life  and  death  over  those  men.  They 
can  shoot  them  down.  They  violate  the  laws  of  decency. 
They  chain  men  and  women  together.  The  death-rate  in 
the  prisons  of  the  North  is  about  one  per  cent,  per  annum. 
There's  something  that  I  like  in  the  North.  It's  a  monu 
ment  to  Northern  charity  and  honesty.  In  one  of  those 
Georgia  camps  the  death-rate  was  thirty  per  cent.  In  an 
other  forty  per  cent.  In  one  of  them  it  reached  fifty  per 
cent.  En  another  it  run  up  to  ten  per  cent,  per  month. 
(Sensation.)  Those  are  the  kind  of  people  the  Northern 
Democrats  will  get  on  their  knees  to  please  in  power. 
Robert  Allston,  as  good  a  man  as  ever  breathed,  brought 
their  atrocities  to  light.  He  went  back  to  Georgia  and  was 
assassinated. 

They're  the  kind  of  men  honest  Democrats  want  to  sup 
port,  that  the  Greenbackers  want  to  tie  to.  (Laughter.) 
A.nd  Georgia  is  the  best  State  in  the  South.  Her  bonds 
are  worth  the  most.  I  ask  whether  they're  the  people  to 
be  trusted  with  this  Govern  men  tl 

THE   SOUTHERN  CHURCH 

has  no  respect  for  men's  right.  Good  Northern  men  and 
women  have  gone  South  and  taken  letters  from  Northern 
churches.  In  the  House  of  God  they  have  been  refused 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  125 

the  sacramental  bread.  Recollect  itl  There's  not  anybody 
in  tire  South  who  will  admit  that  there  ever  was  a  Northern 
gentleman  or  lady.  Why?  They  won't  admit  that  labor  is 
honorable.  I  like  the  North  because  it  respects  its  in 
dustry.  There's  only  one  way  to  make  them  respect  us, 
and  that  is  to  respect  ourselves.  There's  only  one  way  to 
overcome  the  South.  That  is  to  hold  fast  to  our  own  prin 
ciples. 

Now,  then,  whom  will  you  trust?  There's  still  another 
important  thing  we  have  have  got  to  overcome.  We  can't 
overcome  it  without  killing  it,  either.  Yon  can  convince  a 
man  without  killing  him,  but  you  can't  kill  him  without 
convincing  him!  (Laughter.)  The  South  is  honest  in  one 
thing,  and  that  is  their  belief  in  the  doctrine  of  State  sover 
eignty.  They  are  ready  to  fight  for  it. 

The  truth  is,  the  confederation  idea  has  been  outgrown. 
They  talked  about  it  for  the  sake  of  slavery.  They  never 
would  have  done  it  but  for  slavery.  And  you  know  it. 
They  pretended  that  the  difference  in  climate  forbade  their 
working  and  made  slavery  necessary.  The  idea  that  justice 
isn't  the  same  in  all  climates.  If  that  was  so,  you'd  have, 
to  have  two  sets  of  justice  in  Maine, — one  for  winter  and 
one  for  summer.  (Laughter.)  The  Northern  Democrats 
became  slaves  for  the  South,  and  so  did  the  Whigs. 

The  old  Democratic  party  followed  the  South  and  ate 
dirt  for  years,  and  they  seem  to  like  the  diet.  (Prolonged 
laughter.)  Another  thing  they  wanted.  They  wanted  to 
keep  the  slave-trade  agoing  until  1880.  They  did  it.  And 
they  kept  the  Fugitive-Slave  law  in  force.  It  was  so  a  man 
in  the  North  was  obliged  to  pursue  a  fugitive  slave  woman, 
no  matter  if  she  was  within  one  step  of  Canadian  soil,  and 
send  her  back  to  slavery.  Ain't  you  ashamed  of  it?  lam. 


126  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

We  never  would  have  been  out  of  it  but  for  the  Republican 
party.  Splendid,  splendid  party  1 

The  next  time  the  South  appealed  to  State  sovereignty 
was  when  she  wanted  slavery  to  extend  over  the  "West. 
Next,  she  used  it  to  defend  treason  and  secession.  And  BO 
I've  made  up  my  mind  that,  when  I  hear  a  man  taking  up 
the  doctrine  of  State  sovereignty,  he  wants  to  steal  some 
thing  from  somebody,  somewhere.  (Great  laughter.) 

I'm  not  afraid  of 

OENTBALIZATIOW. 

I  want  the  power  where  somebody  can  use  it.  As  long  as 
a  man  is  responsible  to  the  people  there  is  no  fear  of  des 
potism.  There's  no  reigning  family  in  this  country.  We 
are  all  of  us  kings.  We  are  the  reigning  family.  And  when 
any  man  talks  about  despotism,  you  may  be  sure  he  wants 
to  steal  or  be  up  to  devilment.  If  we  have  any  sense,  we 
have  got  to  have  localization  of  brain.  If  we  have  any 
power,  we  must  have  centralization .  Carry  out  the  Demo 
cratic  doctrine,  and  you'll  scatter  your  brains  all  over  you. 
(Laughter.)  We  want  centralization  of  the  right  kind.  The 
man  we  choose  for  our  head  wants  the  army  in  one  hand 
and  the  navy  in  the  other,  and  to  execute  the  supreme  will 
of  the  supreme  people.  (Cheers.) 

But  yon  say  you  will  cross  a  State  line.  I  hope  so.  When 
the  Democratic  party  was  in  power,  and  wanted  to  pursue 
a  human  slave,  there  was  no  State  line.  When  we  want  to 
save  a  human  being,  the  State  line  arises  up  like  a  Chinese 
wall.  I  believe  when  one  party  can  cross  a  State  line  to  put 
a  chain  on,  another  party  can  cross  it  to  take  a  chain  off. 
"Why,"  you  say,  "you  want  the  Federal  Government  to 
interfere  with  the  rights  of  a  State?"  Yes,  I  do,  if  neces 
sary.  I  want  the  ear  of  the  Government  acute  enough  and 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  127 

arms  long  enough  to  reach  a  wrong  man  in  any  State.  A 
government  that  will  not  protect  its  protectors  is  no  govern 
ment.  Its  flag  is  a  dirty  rag.  That  is  not  my  government. 
I  want  a  government  that  will  protect  its  citizens  at  home. 
The  Democratic  doctrine  is  that  a  government  can  only 
protect  its  citizens  abroad.  If  a  father  can't  protect  his 
children  at  home,  depend  upon  it,  that  old  gentleman  can't 
do  much  for  them  when  they  are  abroad.  (Laughter.) 

Think  of  itl  Here's  a  war.  They  come  to  me  in  Illi 
nois  and  draft  me.  They  tell  me  I  must  go.  I  go  through 
the  war  and  come  home  safe.  Afterward  that  State  finds 
a  way  to  trample  on  me.  I  say  to  the  Federal  Government, 
**  Yon  told  me  I  owed  my  first  allegiance  to  you,  and  I  had 
to  go  to  war.  Now  I  say  to  you,  Yon  owe  your  first  al 
legiance  to  me,  and  I  want  you  to  protect  me!"  The  Fed 
eral  Government  says,  "  Oh,  you  must  ask  your  State  to  re 
quest  it"  I  say,  "  That's  just  what  they  won't  do  1"  Such 
a  condition  of  things  is  perfectly  horrible  1  (Applause.) 

If  so  with  a  man  who  was  drafted,  what  will  you  say  of  a 
volunteer?  Yet  that's  the  Democratic  doctrine  of  Federal 
Government.  It  won't  do.  And  you  know  itl  There's  not 
a  Democrat  or  a  Greenbacker  who  believes  it  Not  one. 
You  hate  to  admit  you  were  wrong.  You  hate  to  eat  your 
words.  You'd  rather  remain  in  the  hell  you've  made  for 
yourselves  than  eat  all  your  words.  It's  a  hard  thing  to  do. 
Yon  had  almost  rather  be  with  the  damned .  But  you've  got 
to  do  it.  (Thundering  cheers  and  applause.)  And  you  will 
do  it, 

THB  TEWKSBURY    ILLUSTRATION. 

You're  like  the  old  woman  in  the  Tewksbury,  Mass., 
poor  house.  She  used  to  be  well  off,  and  didn't  like  her 
quarters.  You  Greenbackers  have  left  your  father's  house 


128  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

of  many  mansions  and  have  fed  on  shucks  about  long 
enough.  (Laughter.)  The  supervisor  came  into  the  poor 
house  one  day  and  asked  the  old  lady  how  she  liked  it. 
She  said  she  didn't  like  the  company,  and  asked  him  what 
he  would  advise  her  to  do  under  similar  circumstances. 

"  Oh,  you'd  better  stay.     You're  prejudiced,"  said  he. 

"Do  you  think  anybody  is  ever  prejudiced  in  their 
sleep?"  asked  the  old  lady.  "I  had  a  dream  the  other 
night  I  dreamed  I  died  and  went  to  Heaven.  Lots  of 
nice  people  were  there.  A  nice  man  came  to  me  and  asked 
me  where  I  was  fro  m.  Says  I,  '  From  Tewksbury ,  Mass.' 
He  looked  in  his  book  and  said,  '  You  can't  stay  here.'  I 
asked  what  he  would  advise  me  to  do  under  similar  cir 
cumstances.  (Laughter.)  '  Well,'  he  said,  *  there's  Hell 
down  there,  you  might  try  that! ' 

u  Well,  I  went  down  there,  and  the  man  told  me  my 
name  wasn't  on  the  book,  and  I  couldn't  stay  there.  'Well,' 
said  I,  '  what  would  you  advise  me  to  do  under  similar 
circumstances?'  (Laugh ten)  Said  he,  '  You'll  have  to  go 
back  to  Tewksbury.'  "  (Uproarious  laughter.)  And,  Green- 
backers,  when  you  remember  what  you  once  were,  you 
must  feel  now.  when  you  are  forced  to  join  the  Democratic 
party,  as  bad  as  the  old  lady  who  had  to  go  back  to  Tewks 
bury.  I  want  to  tell  you  what  kind  of  company  you're  in. 
I  want  you  to  know  that  every  man  who  thinks  the  State 
is  greater  than  the  Nation  is  a  Democrat.  Every  man  that 
defended  slavery  was  a  Democrat.  Every  man  that  signed 
an  ordinance  of  secession  was  a  Democrat  Every  man 
that  lowered  our  flag  from  the  skies  was  a  Democrat.  Every 
man  that  bred  blood-hounds  was  a  Democrat  Every 
preacher  that  said  slavery  was  a  divine  institution  was  a 
Democrat.  Recollect  it!  Every  man  that  shot  a  Union 
soldier  was  a  Democrat  Every  wpund  borne  by  you, 


GREAT  SPEECHES. 

Union  soldiers,  is  a  souvenir  of  a  Democrat.  You  got  your 
crutches  from  Democrats.  Every  man  that  starved  a  Union 
soldier  was  a  Democrat.  Every  man  that  shot  the  ema 
ciated  maniac  who  happened  to  totter  across  the  death  line, 
with  a  hellish  grin  on  his  face,  was  a  Democrat.  Nice 
company  you're  inl  The  keepers  of  Andersonville  and 
Libby,  those  two  wings  that  will  bear  the  Confederacy  to 
eternal  infamy,  were  all  Democrats.  There  were  lots  of 

SPLENDID  DEMOCRATS. 

I  mean  the  war  Democrats.  I  never  will  bear  hard  feel 
ings  against  a  man  who  bared  his  breast  in  his  country's 
defense.  (Cheers.)  The  men  who  attempted  to  spread  yel 
low  fever  in  our  Northern  cities  were  all  Democrats.  The 
men  who  proposed  to  give  our  Northern  cities  to  the  flames 
were  all  Democrats!  Just  think  of  it!  Think  what  com 
pany  you're  in!  Recollect  it!  The  men  who  wanted  to 
assassinate  Northern  Governors  were  Democrats. 

Now  all  I  ask  you  to  do  is  what  you  believe  to  be  right. 
If  you  really  think  liberty  of  speech,  the  ballot  box,  the 
revenue  are  safer  with  the  South  than  with  the  North,  then 
vote  the  Democratic  ticket,  early  and  often.  If  you  believe 
it  is  better  to  trust  the  men  who  fought  against  the  country 
than  the  men  who  fought  to  preserve  it;  if  you  have  more 
confidence  in  Chalmers  than  in  Elaine;  (grand  cheers,)  if 
you  have  more  confidence  in  Hampton  than  your  own  men ; 
if  you  have  a  greater  trust  in  the  solvency  of  Mississippi 
than  in  Massachusetts,  then  vote  the  Democratic  ticket 
(Applause.)  But  there's  not  a  Democrat  in  Maine  who 
believes  it'  (Robert  Martin,  Esq.,  "  Not  one.") 

THE  CANDIDATES. 

Pve  got  a  little  while  to  talk  about  candidates.    I  haven't 
much  against  Hancock.     The  most  1  have  against  him  is 
9 


I3O  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

that  he  was  a  creature  of  Andy  Johnson.  I  would  as  soon 
vote  for  Andy  Johnson  as  vote  for  him.  What  are  his 
opinions  on  finance?  What  are  his  opinions  on  State  rights? 
I  don't  know  nor  anybody  else.  The  Democrats  now  have 
both  Houses  of  Congress.  If  they  get  the  Executive  they'll 
have  the  whole;  they'll  annul  the  legislation  of  the  war. 
They'd  make  Unionism  disreputable.  They'd  make  a 
Union  soldier  ashamed  to  own  he  lost  a  leg  on  the  field  of 
glory  and  make  him  say  he  lost  it  in  a  thrashing  machine. 
(Laughter.)  1  don't  want  to  see  them  have  that  pleasure. 
The  Rebel  possessions  and  claims  don't  amount  to  anything 
in  dollars  and  cents.  Liberty  is  cheap  at  any  price.  (Cheers.) 
I  want  my  Government  to  be  proud  and  free.  Liberty  is 
a  thing  wherein  extravagance  is  economy. 

Now  comes  the  Republican  party.  Who  is  at  its  head  ? 
Thousands  of  men  say  to  me:  "  How  can  you  support  Gar- 
field?  (Ringing  cheers.)  He  is  a  Christian;  he's  a  Camp- 
bellite."  I  support  him  because  1  am  not  a  bigot;  I  sup 
port  him  because  he  is  not  a  bigo^;  I  support  him  because 
there's  no  man  better  acquainted  with  the  civil  affairs  of 
the  country;  I  support  him  because  he's  a  politician  in  the 
best  sense.  We  want  no  land-lnbbers  on  our  ship.  Gar- 
field  is  as  good  a  soldier  as  Hancock.  I've  got  nothing 
against  the  regular  army;  but  a  man  who,  in  a  time  of  pro 
found  peace,  determines  to  mike  killing  folks  his  regular 
business,  who,  when  there's  no  sound  of  war,  longs  for  the 
din  of  shot  and  shell — is  no  better,  in  my  opinion,  than  the 
man  who  hates  war,  but.  when  he  is  called  upon,  puts  his 
sword  on,  and  goes  into  the  field  of  battle!  (Tremendous 
cheers.)  That's  my  man. 

DEMOCRATIC     CHARGES. 

They  say  he's  dishonest.     Who  says  it!   The  Solid  South 
and   the  counting  out  conspirators  of  Maine!     That  won't 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  I  ^  I 

do.  (Laughter.)  Garfield  has  been  in  a  position  where  he 
could  have  reaped  millions  by  selling  his  influence  for  good. 
Yet  he's  a  poor  man.  Put  a  Maine  Democrat  in  his  place 
and  see  how  long  he'll  remain  poor!  I  know  Garfield  You 
know  him!  I  want  you  in  Maine  to  know  that  your  vote 
in  September  will  elect  him,  that  as  Maine  goes  so  goes  the 
Union.  (Cheers.)  I  want  the  Democrats  to  know  it,  so  they 
can  help  do  it.  The  honor  of  Maine  must  be  reclaimed.  I 
understand  that  there's  a  man  here  who  has  voted  the  Dem 
ocratic  ticket  for  forty-nine  years,  and  who  now  intends  to 
put  a  blossom  on  the  half-century  of  his  life  by  voting  the 
Republican  ticket  next  September! 

(Yoices— «  Who  is  he? "     "  Trot  him  out! ") 
Ingersoll — It's  J.  M.  Crooker,    of  Waterville!     (Cheers 
and  great  enthusiasm.)     Time  fails  me,  but  I  want  to  im 
press  on  your  minds  that  we  must  hand  over  to  our  country 
a  legacy  of  power  and  glory.     (Rousing  cheers.) 

Col.  Ingersoll  here  left  the  stand  and  took  a  special  trail) 
for  Portland. 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  133 


Speech  at  New  York,  Oct.  23, 1880. 

Colonel  Robert  G.  Ingersoll  made  one  of  his  most  elo 
quent  and  impressive  addresses  last  evening  before  an  im 
mense  audience  in  the  Cooper  Institute.  The  thousands 
who  heard  him  were  stirred  as  few  other  orators  in  the 
country  have  power  to  stir  their  hearers.  Almost  every 
sentence  was  interrupted  or  rounded  with  applause  or  laugh 
ter.  The  speech  was  crammed  with  good  things — sharp 
hits,  lively  sallies,  rich  humor  and  glowing  wit,  and  with 
appeals  of  a  high  order  of  eloquence.  All  the  great  ques 
tions  of  the  [campaign  were  considered.  The  orator  first 
took  up  the  suppression  of  free  speech  in  the  South;  then 
he  spoke  of  the  importance  of  an  honest  ballot;  the  honest 
collection  ot  the  public  revenues  was  then  touched  upon; 
the  currency  was  next  considered;  the  doctrine  of  State 
Sovereignty  was  riddled;  the  duty  of  the  Government  to 
protect  every  citizen  was  upheld;  the  importance  of  the 
protection  of  labor  was  presented,  and  in  conclusion  the 
claims  of  the  candidates  of  the  two  parties  to  public  sup 
port  were  reviewed  in  a  masterly  manner. 

THE   AUDIENCE   AND   THE    SPEAKER. 

The  spaces  around  the  Cooper  Union  were  filled  shortly 
after  6  o'clock  last  evening  by  great  crowds  of  people  who 
had  hurried  through  their  dinners  to  get  seats  to  hear 
Colonel  Ingersoll.  Police  Captain  McCullagh  was  duly  at 
his  post  with  fifty  patrolmen.  He  has  had  an  extensive 
experience  at  Cooper  Union  meetings,  but  never,  he  was 
heard  to  say,  bad  he  seen  so  large  and  enthusiastic  an  as 
semblage  as  that  of  last  night.  At  6:45  the  doors  were 
opened,  and  a  rush  was  made.  Pushing  by  the  policemen 


134  COL'    INGERSOLL'S 

on  duty,  the  foremost  among  the  throng  entered  the  cor 
ridor.  The  others  pressing  on  from  behind,  they  were 
carried  as  if  on  a  huge  breaker  to  the  very  doors  of  the  hall 
at  the  bottom  of  the  stone  staircases.  The  police,  however, 
soon  regained  the  mastery,  and  occupying  the  inner  doors, 
controlled  the  general  entry,  which  took  place  with  very 
good  order.  Ladies  were  shown  the  greatest  politeness,  the 
best  places  being  surrendered  to  them,  even  by  the  most 
ardent  male  admirers  of  the  orator.  In  less  than  twenty- 
five  minutes  there  was  neither  sitting  nor  standing  room 
left.  Every  square  foot — one  might  almost  say  every 
square  inch — of  the  immense  hall  had  its  occupant.  Over 
3,500  persons  found  room  during  the  evening,  and  sup 
ported  the  numerous  inconveniences  of  the  situation  with  a 
fortitude  only  equaled  by  their  enthusiasm.  But  this 
number  does  not  represent  by  half  the  mass  of  citizens  who 
left  their  homes  to  hear  Colonel  Ingersoll.  Fully  5,OOC 
people  were  turned  from  the  doors.  Many  of  these  per 
sisted  in  remaining  in  the  corridors,  on  the  steps,  and  even 
out  on  the  pavement,  during  a  large  part  of  the  evening,  in 
the  futile  hope  that  the  departure  of  inmates  of  the  hall 
would  give  them  an  opportunity  of  hearing  the  address. 

Shortly  after  seven  o'clock  Joseph  Height  called  the 
meeting  to  order,  and  the  Ingersoll  Chicago  Campaign 
Glee  Club  appeared  on  the  platform.  This  club  is  com 
posed  of  four  men  who  have  accompanied  Colonel  Ingersoll 
throughout  his  campaign  tour.  Their  songs  were  much 
applauded.  At  half  past  seven  precisely  the  handsome, 
though  somewhat  corpulent,  figure  of  Colonel  Ingersoll 
was  seen  struggling  through  the  masses  filling  the  back 
ground  of  the  platform.  The  Colonel,  who  seemed  as  fresh 
and  hearty  as  ever,  in  spite  of  his  recent  campaign  experi 
ence,  was  accompanied  by  his  wife  and  his  daughter. 


GREAT   SPEECHES.  135 

His  appearance  called  forth  thunders  of  applause,  which 
did  not  die  away  until  several  minutes  had  elapsed.  These 
demonstrations  elicited  an  acknowledgment  from  the  Col 
onel  which  took  the  form  of  a  bow,  a  slight  wave  of  the 
hand  and  a  quaint  expression  of  countenance  peculiar  to 
the  man.  Mr.  Camp  arose  and  introduced  him  as  the 
speaker  for  the  evening.  Another  cheer  and  then  all  was 
quiet.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  almost  every  utterance 
had  its  accompaniment  of  applause.  At  one  moment  the 
orator  convulsed  his  hearers  with  laughter,  while  another 
he  drew  tears  into  their  eyes — and  into  those  of  men  as 
well  as  women.  His  upholding  of  free  speech  which  he 
considered  a  vital  issue  in  the  present  campaign,  his  ad 
vocacy  of  honest  money,  his  attack  on  free  trade,  and  in  fact 
all  the  features  of  his  powerful  speech  impressed  nis  hearers 
deeply. 

COLONEL  INGERSOLL'S  SPEECH. 

LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN: — Years  ago  I  made  up  my  mind 
that  there  was  no  particular  argument  in  slander.  (Ap 
plause.)  I  made  up  my  mind  that  for  parties  as  well  as  for 
individuals,  honesty  in  the  long  run  is  the  best  policy. 
(Applause.)  I  made  up  my  mind  that  the  people  were  en 
titled  to  know  a  man's  honest  thoughts,  and  I  propose  to 
night  to  tell  you  exactly  what  I  think.  (Applause.)  And 
it  may  be  well  enough,  in  the  first  place,  for  me  to  say  that 
no  party  has  a  mortgage  on  me.  (Applause.)  I  am  the 
sole  proprietor  of  myself.  (Laughter  and  applause.)  No 
party,  no  organization,  has  any  deed  of  trust  on  what  little 
brains  I  have,  and,as  long  as  I  can  get  my  part  of  the  com 
mon  air  I  am  going  to  tell  my  honest  thoughts.  (Applause.) 
One  man  in  the  right  will  finally  get  to  be  a  majority. 
(Laughter.)  I  am  not  going  to  say  a  word  to-night  that 
every  Democrat  here  will  not  know  is  true,  and  whatever 


136  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

he  may  say  with  his  mouth,  I  will  compel  him  in  his  heart 
to  give  three  cheers.  (Applause.) 

In  the  first  place,  I  wish  to  admit  that  during  the  war 
there  were  hundreds  of  thousands  of  patriotic  Democrats. 
I  wish  to  admit  that  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  "War  Demo 
crats  of  the  North,  we  never  would  have  put  down  the  Re 
bellion.  (Applause.)  Let  us  be  honest.  I  further  admit 
that  had  it  not  been  for  other  than  War  Democrats  there 
never  would  have  been  a  Rebellion  to  put  down.  (Great 
applause.)  War  Democrats  1  Why  did  we  call  them  War 
Democrats?  Did  you  ever  hear  anybody  talk  about  a  War 
Republican?  We  spoke  of  War  Democrats  to  distinguish 
them  from  those  Democrats  who  were  in  favor  of  peace 
upon  any  terms. 

I  also  wish  to  admit  that  the  Republican  party  is  not  ab 
solutely  perfect.  (Laughter.)  While  I  believe  that  it  is  the 
best  party  that  ever  existed  (applause),  while  1  believe  it 
has  within  its  organization  more  heart,  more  brain,  more 
patriotism  than  any  other  organization  that  ever  existed 
beneath  the  sun,  I  still  admit  that  it  is  not  entirely  perfect. 
I  admit,  in  its  great  things,  in  its  splendid  efforts  to  pre 
serve  this  Nation,  in  its  grand  effort  to  keep  our  flag  in 
heaven,  in  its  magnificent  effort  to  free  four  millions  of 
slaves  (applause),  in  its  great  and  sublime  efforts  to  save  the 
financial  honor  of  this  Nation,  1  admit  that  it  has  made 
some  mistakes.  In  its  great  effort  to  do  right  it  has  some 
times  by  mistake  done  wrong.  And  I  also  wish  to  admit 
that  the  great  Democratic  party,  in  its  effort  to  get  office, 
has  sometimes  by  mistake  done  right.  (Laughier.)  You 
see  that  I  am  inclined  to  be  perfectly  fair.  (Applause  and 
laughter.) 

I  am  going  with  the  Republican  party,  because  it  is  go 
ing  my  way;  bat  if  it  ever  turns  to  the  right  or  left,  1  in 
tend  to  go  straight  ahead. 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  137 

In  every  Government  there  is  something  that  ought  to 
bo  preserved;  in  every  Government  there  are  many  things 
that  ought  to  be  destroyed.  Every  good  man,  every  patriot, 
every  lover  of  the  human  race  wishes  to  preserve  the  good  and 
destroy  the  bad;  and  every  one  in  this  audience  who  wishes 
to  preserve  the  good,  will  go  with  that  section  of  our  common 
country — with  that  party  in  our  country  that  he  honestly  be 
lieves  will  preserve  the  good  and  destroy  the  bad.  (Applause.) 
It  takes  a  great  deal  of  trouble  to  raise  a  good  .Republican. 
(Laughter.)  It  is  a  vast  deal  of  labor.  The  Republican 
party  is  the  fruit  of  all  ages — of  self-sacrifice  and  devotion. 
(Applause.)  The  Republican  party  is  born  of  every  good 
thing  that  was  ever  done  in  this  world.  (Applause.)  The 
Republican  party  is  the  result  of  all  martyrdom,  of  all  he 
roic  bloodshed  for  the  right.  It  is  the  blossom  and  fruit  of 
the  great  world's  best  endeavor.  (Applause.)  In  order  to 
make  a  Republican  you  have  got  to  have  schoolhouses. 
(Applause.)  You  have  got  to  have  newspapers  and  maga 
zines.  (Applause.)  A  good  Republican  is  the  best  fruit 
of  civilization,  of  all  there  is  of  intelligence,  of  art,  of  music 
and  of  song.  (Applause.)  If  you  want  to  make  Democrats 
let  them  alone.  (Laughter.)  The  Democratic  party  is  the 
settlings  of  this  country.  (Laughter.)  Nobody  hoes  weeds. 
Nobody  takes  especial  pains  to  raise  dog  fennel,  and  yet  it 
grows  under  the  very  hoof  of  travel.  The  seeds  are  sown 
by  accident  and  gathered  by  chance.  But  if  you  want  to 
raise  wheat  and  corn  you  must  plow  the  ground.  You 
must  defend  and  you  must  harvest  the  crop  with  infinite 
patience  and  toil.  It  is  precisely  that  way — if  you  want  to 
raise  a  good  Republican  you  must  work.  If  you  wish  to 
raise  a  Democrat  give  him  wholesome  neglect.  (Laughter.) 
The  Democratic  party  flatters  the  vices  of  mankind.  That 


138  COL.  INGKRSOU/S 

party  says  to  the  ignorant  man,  "  Yon  know  enough."     It 
says  to  the  vicious  man,  "You  are  good  enough." 

The  Republican  party  says,  "  You  must  be  better  next 
year  than  you  are  this."  A  man  is  a  Republican  because 
he  loves  something.  Most  men  are  Democrats  because  they 
hate  something.  A  Republican  takes  a  man,  as  it  were, 
by  the  collar  and  says,  "  You  must  do  your  best,  you  must 
climb  the  infinite  hill  of  human  progress  as  long  as  you 
live."  Now  and  then  one  gets  tired.  He  says,  "  I  have 
climbed  enough,  and  so  much  better  than  I  expected  to  do 
that  I  don't  wish  to  travel  any  further."  Now  and  then  one 
gets  tired  and  lets  go  all  hold,  and  he  rolls  down  to  the  very 
b)ttom,  and  as  he  strikes  the  mud  he  springs  upon  his  feet 
transfigured,  and  says,  "  Hurrah  for  Hancock."  (Great 
laughter.) 

NO  FREE  SPEECH  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

There  are  things  in  this  Government  that  I  wish  to  pre" 
serve,  and  there  are  things  that  I  wish  to  destroy;  and  in 
order  to  convince  you  that  you  ought  to  go  the  way  that  I 
am  going,  it  is  only  fair  that  I  give  you  my  reasons.  This 
is  a  Republic  founded  upon  intelligence  and  the  patriotism 
of  the  people,  and  in  every  Republic  it  is  absolutely  neces 
sary  that  there  should  be  free  speech.  ("Good,"  "good," 
and  applause.)  Free  speech  is  the  gem  of  the  human  soul. 
Words  are  the  bodies  of  thought,  and  liberty  gives  to  those* 
words  wings,  and  the  whole  intellectual  heavens  are  filled 
with  thought.  (Applause.)  In  a  Republic  every  individ 
ual  tongue  has  right  to  the  general  ear.  In  a  Republic 
every  man  has  the  right  to  give  his  reasons  for  the  course 
he  pursues  to  all  his  fellow  citizens,  and  when  you  say  that 
a  man  shall  not  speak,  you  also  say  that  others  shall 
not  hear.  When  yon  Bay  a  man  shall  not  express  his 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  139 

aonest  thonght  you  say  his  fellow  citizens  shall  be  de 
prived  of  honest  thoughts;  for  of  what  use  is  it  to  allow  the 
attorney  for  the  defendant  to  address  the  jury  if  the  jury 
has  been  bought?  Of  what  use  is  it  to  allow  the  jury,  if 
they  bring  in  a  verdict  of  "  not  guilty,"  if  the  defendant  is 
to  be  hung  by  a  mob?  I  ask  you  to-night,  is  not  every 
solitary  man  here  in  favor  of  free  speech?  Is  there  a  soli 
tary  Democrat  here  who  dares  say  he  is  not  in  favor  of  free 
speech?  In  what  part  of  the  country  are  the  lips  of  thought 
free — in  the  South  or  in  the  North?  What  section  of  our 
c  ountry  can  you  trust  the  inestimable  gem  of  free  speech 
with?  Can  you  trust  it  to  the  gentlemen  of  Mississippi, 
or  to  the  gentlemen  of  Massachusetts?  Can  you  trust  it  to 
Alabama  or  to  New  York?  Can  you  trust  it  to  the 
South,  or  can  you  trust  it  to  the  great  and  splendid 
North?  Honor  bright.  (Laughter.)  Honor  bright,  is  there 
any  freedom  of  speech  in  the  South?  There  never  was  and 
there  is  none  to-night — and  let  me  tell  you  why. 

They  had  the  institution  of  human  slavery  in  the  South 
which  could  not  be  defended  at  the  bar  of  public  reason. 
It  was  an  institution  that  could  not  be  defended  in  the 
high  forum  of  human  conscience.  No  man  could  stand 
there  and  defend  the  ri^ht  to  rob  the  cradle — none 

o 

to  defend  the  right  to  sell  the  babe  from  the  breast  of 
the  agonized  mother — none  to  defend  the  claim  that  lashes 
on  a  bare  back  are  a  legal  tender  for  labor  performed. 
Every  man  that  lived,  upon  the  unpaid  labor  of  another 
knew  in  his  heart  that  he  was  a  thief.  (Applause.)  And 
for  that  reason  he  did  not  wish  to  discuss  that  question. 
(Laughter.)  Thereupon  the  institution  of  slavery  said, 
"You  shall  not  speak;  you  shall  not  reason,"  and  the  lips  of 
free  thought  were  manacled.  You  know  it.  Every  one  of 
you.  (Laughter.)  Every  Democrat  knows  it  as  well  as 


I4O  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

every    Republican.     There  never  was  free  speech  !L   the 
South. 

And  what  has  been  the  result?  And  allow  me  tw  at/mit 
right  here,  because  I  want  to  be  fair,  there  are  thousands 
and  thousands  of  most  excellent  people  in  the  South — 
thousands  of  them.  There  are  hundreds  and  hundreds  of 
thousands  there  who  would  like  to  vote  the  Republican 
ticket.  (Applause.)  And  whenever  there  is  free  speech 
there  and  whenever  there  is  a  free  ballot  there,  they  will 
vote  the  Republican  ticket  (Great  applause.)  I  say  again, 
there  are  hundreds  of  thousands  of  good  people  in  the 
South;  but  the  institution  of  human  slavery  prevented  free 
speech,  and  it  is  a  splendid  fact  in  nature  that  you  cannot 
put  chains  upon  the  limbs  of  others  without  putting  cor 
responding  manacles  upon  your  own  brain.  (Applause.) 
When  the  South  enslaved  the  negro,  it  also  enslaved  itself 
and  the  result  was  an  intellectual  desert.  No  book  has 
been  produced,  with  one  exception,  that  has  added  to  the 
knowledge  of  mankind;  no  paper,  no  magazine,  no  poet,  no 
philosopher,  no  philanthropist,  was  ever  raised  in  that  des 
ert.  (Great  applause.)  Now  and  then  some  one  pro 
tested  against  th  t  infamous  institution,  and  he  came  as 
near  being  a  philosopher  as  the  society  in  which  he  lived 
permitted.  (Laughter.)  Why  is  it  that  New  England,  a 
rock-clad  land,  blossoms  like  a  rose?  Why  is  it  that  New 
York  is  the  Empire  State  of  the  great  Union?  I  will  tell 
you.  Because  you  have  been  permitted  to  trade  in  ideas. 
Because  the  lips  of  speech  have  been  absolutely  free  for 
twenty  years.  We  never  had  free  speech  in  any  State  in 
this  Union  until  the  Republican  party  was  born.  (Ap 
plause.)  That  party  was  rocked  in  the  cradle  of  intellect 
ual  liberty,  and  that  is  the  reason  I  say  it  is  the  best  party 
that  ever  existed  in  the  wide,  wide  world.  (Applause.)  I 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  141 

want  to  preserve  free  speech,  and,  as  an  honest  man,  I  look 
about  me:  "  How  can  I  best  preserve  it?"  By  giving  it  to 
the  South  or  North?  to  the  Democracy  or  the  Republican 
party?  And  I  am  bound,  as  an  honest  man,  to  say  free 
speech  is  safest  with  the  earliest  defenders.  (Applause.) 
Where  is  there  such  a  thing  as  a  Republican  mob  to  pre 
vent  the  expression  of  an  honest  thought?  where?  The 
people  of  the  South  are  allowed  to  come  to  the  North; 
they  are  allowed  to  express  their  sentiments  upon  every 
stump  in  the  great  East,  the  great  West  and  the  great  Mid 
dle  States;  they  go  to  Maine,  to  Vermont,  and  to  all  our 
States,  and  they  are  allowed  to  speak,  and  we  give  them  a 
respectful  hearing,  and  the  meanest  thing  we  do  is  to  an 
swer  their  argument.  (Applause.) 

i  .say  to-night  that  we  ought  to  have  the  same  liberty  to 
discuss  these  questions  in  the  South  that  Southerners  have 
in  the  North.  And  I  say,  more  than  that,  the  Democrats 
of  the  North  ought  to  compel  the  Democrats  of  the  South 
to  ireat  the  Republicans  of  the  South  as  well  as  the  Repub- 
licans  of  the  North  treat  them.  (Applause.)  We  treat  the 
Democrats  well  in  the  North.  (Laughter.)  We  treat  them 
like  gentlemen  in  the  North;  and  yet  they  go  in  partner 
ship  with  the  Democracy  of  the  South,  knowing  that  the 
Democracy  ot  the  South  will  not  treat  Republicans  in  that 
section  with  fairness.  A  Democrat  ought  to  be  ashamed 
of  that.  If  my  friends  will  not  treat  other  people  as  well 
as  the  friends  of  the  other  people  treat  me,  I'll  swap  friends. 
(Applause  and  laughter.) 

First,  then,  I  am  in  favor  of  free  speech,  and  I  am  going 
with  that  section  of  my  country  that  believes  in  free  speech. 
I  am  going  with  that  party  that  has  always  upheld  that 
sacred  right.  When  you  stop  free  speech,  when  you  say 
that  a  thought  shall  die  in  the  womb  of  the  brain — why,  it 


142  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

would  have  the  same  effect  upon  the  intellectual  world  that 
to  stop  springs  at  their  sources  would  have  upon  the  phys 
ical  world.  Stop  the  springs  at  their  sources  and  they 
cease  to  gurgle,  the  streams  cease  to  murmur,  and  the  great 
rivers  cease  rushing  to  the  embrace  of  the  sea.  So  yon 
stop  thought.  Stop  thought  in  the  brain  in  which  it  is 
born  and  theory  die?;  and  the  great  ocean  of  knowledge 
to  which  all  should  be  permitted  to  contribute,  and  from 
which  all  should  be  allowed  to  draw,  becomes  a  vast  desert 
of  ignorance.  (Applause.) 

I  have  always  said,  and  I  say  again,  that  the  more  liberty 
there  is  given  away,  the  more  you  have.  There  is  room 
in  this  world  for  us  all;  there  is  room  enough  for  all  of  our 
thoughts;  out  upon  the  intellectual  sea  there  is  room  for 
every  sail,  and  in  the  intellectual  air  there  is  space  for  every 
wing.  (Applause.)  A  man  that  exercises  a  right  that  he 
will  not  give  to  others  is  a  barbarian.  A  State  that  does 
not  allow  free  speech  is  uncivilized,  and  is  H  disgrace  to  the 
American  Union.  (Applause.) 

THE  PARTY  OF  AN  HONEST  BALLOT. 

I  am  not  only  in  favor  of  free  speech,  but  I  am  also  in 
favor  of  an  absolutely  honest  ballot.  There  is  one  king  in 
this  country;  there  is  one  emperor;  there  is  one  supreme 
Czar;  and  that  is  the  legally  expressed  will  of  a  majority 
of  the  people.  (Applause.)  The  man  who  casts  an  illegal 
vote,  the  man  who  refuses  to  count  a  legal  vote,  poisons  the 
fountain  of  power,  poisons  the  spring  of  justice,  and  is  a 
traitor  to  the  only  king  in  this  land.  The  Government  is 
upon  the  edge  of  Mexicanization  through  fraudulent  voting. 
The  ballot  box  is  the  throne  of  America;  the  ballot  box  is 
the  ark  of  the  covenant.  Unless  we  see  to  it  that  every 
man  who  has  a  right  to  vote  votes,  and  unless  we  see  to  it 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  143 

that  every  honest  vote  is  counted,  the  days  of  this  Republic 
are  numbered. 

When  you  suspect  that  a  Congressman  is  not  elected; 
when  you  suspect  that  a  judge  upon  the  bench  holds  his 
place  by  fraud,  then  the  people  will  hold  the  law  in  con 
tempt  and  will  laugh  at  the  decisions  of  courts,  and  then 
come  revolution  and  chaos.  It  is  the  duty  of  every  good 
man  to  see  to  it  that  the  ballot  box  is  kept  absolutely 
pure.  It  is  the  duty  of  every  patriot,  whether  he  is  a  Demo 
crat  or  Republican — and  I  want  to  further  admit  that  I  be- . 
sieve  a  large  majority  of  Democrats  are  honest  in  their 
opinions,  and  I  know  that  all  Republicans  must  be  honest 
in  their  opinions.  (Applause.)  It  is  the  duty,  then,  of  all 
honest  men  of  both  parties  to  see  to  it  that  only  honest  votes 
•ire  cast  and  counted.  Now,  honor  bright,  which  section 
of  this  Union  can  you  trust  the  ballot  box  with?  Honor 
bright,  can  you  trust  it  with  the  masked  murderers  who 
rode  in  the  darkness  of  night  to  the  hut  of  the  freedman  and 
shot  him  down,  notwithstanding  the  supplication  of  his  wife 
and  the  tears  of  his  babe?  Can  you  trust  it  to  the  men  who 
ince  the  close  of  our  war  have  killed  more  men,  simply  be 
cause  those  men  wished  to  vote,  simply  because  they  wished 
to  exercise  a  right  with  which  they  had  been  clothed  by  the 
.-ublime  heroism  of  the  North — who  have  killed  more  men 
than  were  killed  on  both  sides  during  the  war  of  1812;  than 
\vere  killed  on  both  sides  in  both  wars?  Can  you  trust  them? 
Can  you  trust  the  gentlemen  who  invented  the  tissue  ballot? 
(Laughter.)  Do  you  wish  to  pnt  the  ballot  box  in  the 
keeping  of  the  shot  gun,  of  the  White  Liners,  of  the  Ku 
Klux?  Do  you  wish  to  put  the  ballot  box  in  the  keeping 
of  men  who  openly  swear  that  they  will  not  be  ruled  by  a 
majority  of  American  citizens  if  a  portion  of  that  majority 
is  made  of  black  men?  (Applause.)  And  I  want  to  tell 


144  c01-  INGERSOLL'S 

you  right  here,  I  like  a  black  man  who  loves  this  country 
better  than  I  do  a  white  man  who  hates  it.  (Applause.) 
I  think  more  of  a  black  man  who  fonght  for  our  flag  than 
for  any  white  man  who  endeavored  to  tear  it  out  of  heaven. 
(Applause.)  I  like  black  friends  better  than  white  enemies. 
(Applause.)  And  I  think  more  of  a  man  black  outside  and 
white  inside,  than  I  do  of  one  white  outside  and  black 
inside.  (Applause.) 

I  say,  can  you  trust  the  ballot  box  to  the  Democratic  par 
ty  ?  Head  the  history  of  the  State  of  New  York!  Read  the 
history  of  this  great  and  magnificent  city — the  Queen  of  the 
Atlantic — read  her  history  and  tell  us  whether  you  can  im 
plicitly  trust  Democratic  returns?  (Laughter.)  Honor 
bright.  (Laughter.) 

I  am  not  only,  then,  for  free  speech,  but  I  am  for  an 
honest  ballot;  and  in  order  that  you  may  have  no  doubt  left 
upon  your  mind  as  to  which  party  is  in  favor  of  an  honest 
vote  I  will  call  your  attention  to  this  striking  fact.  Every 
law  that  has  been  passed  in  every  State  of  this  Union  for 
twenty  long  years,  the  object  of  which  was  to  guard  the 
American  ballot  box,  has  been  passed  by  the  Republican 
party  (applause),  and  in  everjr  State  where  the  Republican 
party  has  introduced  such  a  bill  for  the  purpose  of  making 
it  a  law,  in  every  State  where  such  a  bill  has  been  defeated 
it  has  been  defeated  by  the  Democratic  party.  (Applause.) 
That  ought  to  satisfy  any  reasonable  man  to  satiety. 

WHO  SHALL  COLLECT   THE  REVENUE? 

I  am  not  only  in  favor  of  free  speech  and  an  honest  ballot, 
but  I  am  in  favor  of  collecting  and  disbursing  the  revenues 
of  the  United  States.  I  want  plenty  of  money  to  collect 
and  pay  the  interest  on  our  debt.  I  want  plenty  of  money 
to  pay  our  debt  and  to  preserve  the  financial  honor  of  the 


GREAT  SPEECHES  145 

United  States.  (Applause.)  I  want  money  enough  to  be 
collected  to  pay  pensions  to  widows  and  orphans  and  to 
wounded  soldiers.  (Applause.)  And  the  question  is  what 
section  in  this  country  can  you  trust  to  collect  and  disburse 
that  revenue.  Let  us  be  honest  about  it.  (Laughter.) 
What  section  can  you  trust?  In  the  last  four  years  we  have 
collected  $467,000  of  the  internal  revenue  taxes.  "We  have 
collected  principally  from  taxes  upon  high  wines  and  to 
bacco,  $168,000,000,  and  in  those  four  years  we  have  seized, 
libeled  and  destroyed  in  the  Southern  States  3,874  illicit 
distilleries.  And  during  the  .~ame  time  the  Southern  people 
have  shot  to  death  twenty-five  revenue  officers  and  wounded 
fifty-five  others,  and  the  only  offense  that  the  wounded  and 
dead  committed  was  an  honest  effort  to  collect  the  revenues 
of  this  country.  (Applause.)  .Recollect  it — don't  you  forget 
it.  (Laughter.)  And  in  several  Southern  States  to-day 
every  revenue  collector  or  officer  connected  with  the  revenue 
is  furnished  by  the  Internal  Revenue  Department  with  a 
breech-loading  rifle  and  a  pair  of  revolvers,  simply  for  the 
purpose  of  collecting  the  revenue.  I  don't  feel  like  trusting 
such  people  to  collect  the  revenue  of  my  Government. 

During  the  same  four  years  we  have  arrested  and  have 
indicted  7,084  Southern  Democrats  for  endeavoring  to  de 
fraud  the  revenue  of  the  United  States.  Recollect — 3,874 
distilleries  seized,  25  revenue  officers  killed,  55  wounded, 
and  7,084  Democrats  arrested.  (Applause.)  Can  we  trust 
them? 

The  State  of  Alabama  in  its  last  Democratic  Convention 
passed  a  resolution  that  no  man  should  be  tried  in  a  Federal 
Court  for  a  violation  of  the  revenue  law — that  he  should 
be  tried  in  a  State  Court.  (Laughter.)  Think  of  it — he 
should  be  tried  in  a  State  Court!  Let  me  tell  you  how  it 
will  come  out  if  we  trust  the  Southern  States  to  collect  thii 
IO 


140  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

revenue.  A  couple  of  Methodist  ministers  had  been  hold- 
ing  a  revival  for  a  few  weeks;  one  said  to  the  other  that  he 
thought  it  time  to  take  up  a  collection.  When  the  hat  was 
returned  he  found  in  it  pieces  of  slate  pencils  and  nails  and 
buttons,  but  not  a  single  solitary  cent  (laughter) — not  one — 
and  his  brother  minister  got  up  and  looked  at  the  contribu 
tion,  and  he  said,  "Let  us  thank  God!"  (Laughter.)  And  the 
owner  of  the  hat  said,  "What  for?"  And  the  brother  re 
plied,  "  Because  you  got  your  hat  back."  (Roars  of  laugh 
ter  and  applause.)  If  we  trust  the  South  we  won't  get  our 
hat  back.  (Laughter  and  cheers.) 

HONEST  MONEY  AND  AN  HONEST  NATION. 

I  am  next  in  favor  of  honest  money.  I  am  in  favor  of 
gold  and  silver,  and  paper  with  gold  and  silver  behind  it. 
(Applause.)  I  believe  in  silver,  because  it  is  one  of  the 
greatest  of  American  products,  and  I  am  in  favor  of  any 
thing  that  will  add  to  the  value  of  American  product. 
(Applause.)  But  I  want  a  silver  dollar  worth  a  gold  dol 
lar,  even  if  you  make  it  or  have  to  make  it  four  feet  in 
diameter.  (Great  laughter.)  No  Government  can  afford 
to  be  a  clipper  of  coin.  (Applause.)  A  great  Eepublic  can 
not  afford  to  stamp  a  lie  upon  silver  or  gold.  (Great  ap 
plause.)  Honest  money,  an  honest  people,  an  honest  Na 
tion.  (Renewed  applause.)  When  our  money  is  only 
worth  80  cents  on  the  dollar,  we  feel  20  per  cent,  below  par. 
(Great  laughter.)  When  our  money  is  good  we  feel  good. 
When  our  money  is  at  par  that  is  where  we  are.  (Applause 
and  laughter.)  I  am  a  profound  believer  in  the  doctrine 
that  for  nations,  as  well  as  men,  honesty  is  the  best,  always, 
everywhere  and  forever.  (Tremendous  applause.) 

What  section  of  this  country,  what  party  will  give  us 
honest  money — honor  bright — honor  bright?  (Laughter.) 


GREAT   SPEECHES.  147 

1  have  been  told  that  during  the  war  we  had  plenty  of 
money.  I  never  saw  it.  I  lived  years  without  seeing  a 
dollar.  I  saw  promises  for  dollars,  but  not  dollars.  (Ap 
plause.)  And  the  greenback,  unless  yon  have  the  gold  be 
hind  it,  is  no  more  a  dollar  than  a  bill  of  fare  is  a  dinner. 
(Great  laughter.)  You  can  not  make  a  paper  dollar  with 
out  taking  a  dollar's  worth  of  paper.  We  must  have  paper 
that  represents  money.  I  want  it  issued  by  the  Govern 
ment,  and  I  want  behind  every  one  of  these  dollars  either  a 
gold  or  silver  dollar,  so  that  every  greenback  under  the  flag 
can  lift  up  its  hand  and  swear,  "I  know  that  my  redeemer 
liveth."  (Great  laughter.) 

When  we  were  running  into  debt,  thousands  of  people 
mistook  that  for  prosperity,  and  when  we  began  paying 
they  regarded  it  as  adversity.  (Laughter.)  Of  course  we 
had  plenty  when  we  bought  on  credit.  No  man  has  ever 
starved  when  his  credit  was  good,  if  there  were  no  famine 
in  that  country.  (Laughter.)  As  long  as  we  buy  on  credit 
we  shall  have  enough.  The  trouble  commences  when  the 
pay-day  arrives.  (Laughter.)  And  I  do  not  wonder  that 
after  the  war  thousands  of  people  said,  "  Let  us  have  another 
inflation."  What  party  said,  "No,  we  must  pay  the  prom 
ise  made  in  war?"  (Great  applause.)  Honor  bright  1  The 
Democratic  party  had  once  been  a  hard  money  party,  but  it 
drifted  from  its  metallic  moorings  and  floated  off  in  the 
ocean  of  inflation,  and  you  know  itl  (Laughter.)  They 
said,  "Give  us  more  money,"  and  every  man  that  had  bought 
on  credit  and  owed  a  little  something  on  what  he  had  pur 
chased,  when  the  property  went  down,  he  commenced  cry 
ing,  or  many  of  them  did,  for  inflation.  I  understand  it. 
A  man,  say,  bought  a  piece  of  land  for  $6,000;  paid  $5,000 
on  it;  gave  a  mortgage  for  $1,000,  and  suddenly,  in  1873, 
found  that  the  land  would  not  pay  the  other  thousand.  The 


148  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

land  had  resumed.  (Much  laughter.)  And  then  he  said, 
looking  lugubriously  at  his  note  and  mortgage,  "  I  want 
another  inflation."  And  I  never  heard  a  man  call  for  it 
that  did  not  also  say,  "  If  it  ever  comes,  and  I  don't  unload, 
vou  may  shoot  me."  (Great  laughter.) 

It  was  very  much  as  it  is  sometimes  in  playing  poker, 
and  I  make  this  comparison,  knowing  that  hardly  a  person 
here  will  understand  it.  (Great  laughter.  A  voice, 
"  Honor  bright!"  Kenewed  laughter.)  I  have  been  told 
(laughter)  that  along  toward  morning  (laughter)  the  man 
that  is  ahead  suddenly  says,  "  I  have  got  to  go  home. 
(Great  laughter.)  The  fact  is,  my  wife  is  not  well." 
(Great  laughter.)  And  the  fellow  who  is  behind  says, 
"Let  us  have  another  deal."  (Laughter.)  I  have  my 
opinion  of  a  fellow  that  will  jump  the  game.  And  so  it 
was  in  the  hard  times  of  1873.  They  said:  "Give  us  an 
other  deal;  let  us  get  our  driftwood  back  into  the  center  of 
the  stream."  And  they  cried  out  for  more  money.  But 
the  Republican  party  said:  "  We  do  want  more  money,  but 
no  more  promises.  We  have  got  to  pay  this  first,  and  if  we 
start  out  again  upon  that  wide  sea  of  promise  we  may  never 
touch  the  shore."  (Applause.) 

THE  FALLACY  AND  FOLLY  OF  FIAT  DOLLARS. 

A  thousand  theories  were  born  of  want;  a  thousand 
theories  were  born  of  the  fertile  brain  of  trouble;  and  these 
people  said  after  all:  "  What  is  money?  why  it  is  nothing 
but  a  measure  of  value,  just  the  same  as  a  half  bushel  or 
yardstick."  True.  And  consequently  it  makes  no  differ 
ence  whether  your  half  bushel  is  of  wood,  or  gold,  or  silver 
or  paper;  and  it  makes  no  difference  whether  your  yardstick 
is  gold  or  paper.  But  the  trouble  about  that  statement  is  this : 
A  half  bushel  is  not  a  measure  of  value;  it  is  a  measure  of 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  149 

quantity,  and  it  measures  rubies,  diamonds  and  pearls  pre 
cisely  the  same  as  corn  and  wheat.  The  yardstick  is  not  a 
measure  of  value;  it  is  a  measure  of  length,  and  it  measures 
lace,  worth  $100  a  yard,  precisely  as  it  does  cent  tape. 
And  another  reason  why  it  makes  no  difference  to  the  pur 
chaser  whether  the  half  bushel  is  gold  or  silver,  or  whether 
the  yardstick  is  gold  or  paper,  you  don't  buy  the  yardstick; 
you  don't  get  the  half  bushel  in  the  trade.  And  if  it  was 
so  with  money — if  the  people  that  had  the  money  at  the 
start  of  the  trade,  kept  it  after  the  consummation  of  the 
bargain — then  it  wouldn't  make  any  difference  what  you 
made  your  money  of.  But  the  trouble  is  the  money 
changes  hands.  And  let  me  say  to-night,  money  is  a  thing 
— it  is  a  product  of  nature — and  you  can  no  more  make  a 
"fiat"  dollar  than  you  can  make  a  fiat  star.  I  am  in  favor 
of  honest  money.  Free  speech  is  the  brain  of  the  Republic; 
an  honest  ballot  is  the  breath  of  its  life,  and  honest  money 
is  the  blood  that  courses  through  its  veins.  (Applause.) 

If  I  am  fortunate  enough  to  leave  a  dollar  when  I  die,  I 
want  it  to  be  a  good  one;  I  don't  wish  to  have  it  turn  to 
ashes  in  the  hands  of  widowhood,  or  become  a  Democratic 
broken  promie«  in  the  pocket  of  the  orphan;  I  want  it 
money.  I  saw  not  long  ago  a  piece  of  gold  bearing  the 
stamp  of  the  Roman  Empire.  That  Empire  is  dust,  and 
over  it  has  been  thrown  the  mantle  of  oblivion,  but  that 
piece  of  gold  is  as  good  as  though  Julius  Caesar  were  still 
riding  at  the  head  of  the  Roman  Legion.  (Applause.)  I 
want  money  that  will  outlive  the  Democratic  party.  They 
told  us — and  they  were  honest  about  it — they  said,  "  When 
we  have  plenty  of  money  we  are  prosperous."  And  I  said: 
"When  we  are  prosperous  then  we  have  credit,  and  credit  in 
flates  the  currency.  Whenever  a  man  buys  a  pound  of 
sugar,  and  says,  "Charge  it,"  he  inflates  the  currency; 


150  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

whenever  he  gives  his  note  he  inflates  the  currency;  when 
ever  his  word  takes  the  place  of  money  he  inflates  the  cur 
rency.  The  consequence  is  that  when  we  are  prosperous 
credit  takes  the  place  of  money,  and  we  have  what  we  call 
"plenty."  But  you  can  not  increase  prosperity  simply  by 
using  promises  to  pay.  Suppose  you  should  come  to  a 
river  that  was  about  dry,  and  there  you  would  see  the  ferry 
boat,  and  the  gentleman  who  kept  the  ferry,  high  on  the 
sand,  ands  the  cracks  all  opening  in  the  sun  filled  with  loose 
oakum,  looking  like  an  average  Democratic  mouth  listen 
ing  to  a  Constitutional  argument,  and  you  should  say  to 
him:  "How  is  business?"  (Applause  and  laughter.)  And 
he  would  say,  "  Dull."  And  then  you  would  say  to  him, 
u  Now,  what  you  want  is  more  boat."  He  would  probably 
answer,  "  If  I  had  a  little  more  water  I  could  get  along 
with  this  one."  (Laughter.) 

But  I  want  to  be  fair  (laughter),  and  I  wish  to-night  to 
return  ray  thanks  to  the  Democratic  party.  You  did  a 
great  and  splendid  work.  You  went  all  over  the  United 
States,  and  you  said  upon  every  stump  that  a  greenback 
was  better  than  gold.  You  said,  "  We  have  at  last  found 
the  money  of  a  poor  man.  Gold  loves  the  rich;  gold  haunts 
banks  and  safes  and  vaults;  but  we  have  got  money  that 
will  go  around  inquiring  for  a  man  that  is  dead  broke. 
(Great  laughter.)  We  have  finally  found  money  that  will 
stay  in  a  pocket  with  holes  in  it.  (Laughter.)  But  after 
all,  do  you  know  that  money  is  the  most  social  thing  in 
this  world?  (Laughter.)  If  a  fellow  has  got  $1  in  his 
pocket,  and  he  meets  another  with  two,  do  you  know  that 
dollar  is  absolutely  homesick  until  he  gets  where  the  other 
two  are?  (Laughter.)  And  yet  the  Greenbackers  told  us 
that  they  had  finally  invented  money  that  would  be  the 
poor  man's  friend.  They  said,  "  It  is  better  than  gold,  bet- 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  15! 

ter  than  silver,"  and  they  got  so  many  men  to  believe  it 
that  when  we  resumed,  and  said,  "  Here  is  your  gold  for 
your  greenback,"  the  fellows  who  had  the  greenback  said, 
"We  don't  want  it.  The  greenbacks  are  good  enough  for 
us."  Do  you  know,  if  they  had  wanted  it  we  could  not 
give  it  to  them?  (Laughter.)  And  so  I  return  my  thanks  to 
the  Greenback  party.  But  allow  me  to  say  in  this  connec 
tion,  the  days  of  their  usefulness  have  passed  forever. 

Now,  I  am  not  foolish  enough  to  claim  that  the  Repub- 
lican  party  resumed.  I  am  not  silly  enough  to  say  that 
John  Sherman  resumed.  But  I  will  tell  you  what  I  do  say. 
I  say  that  every  man  who  raised  a  bushel  of  corn  or  a  bushel 
of  wheat  or  a  pound  of  beef  or  pork  helped  to  resume.  (Ap 
plause.)  I  say  that  the  gentle  rain  and  loving  dew  helped 
to  resume.  The  soil  of  the  United  States  impregnated  by 
the  loving  sun  helped  to  resume.  The  men  that  dug  the 
coal  and  the  iron  and  the  silver  and  the  copper  and  the  gold 
helped  to  resume.  And  the  men  upon  whose  foreheads  fell 
the  light  of  furnaces  helped  to  resume.  And  the  sailors  who 
fought  with  the  waves  of  the  seas  helped  to  resume. 

I  admit  to-night  that  the  Democrats  earned  their  share 
of  the  money  to  resume  with.  All  I  claim  in  God's  world 
is  that  the  Republican  party  furnished  the  honesty  to  pay 
it  over.  (Great  applause.)  That  is  what  I  claim;  and  the 
Republican  party  set  the  day,  and  the  Republican  party 
worked  to  fill  the  promise.  That  is  what  I  say.  And  had 
it  not  been  for  the  Republican  party  this  Nation  would  have 
been  financially  dishonored.  (Applause.)  I  am  for  honest 
money,  and  I  am  for  the  payment  of  every  dollar  of  our 
debt,  and  so  is  every  Democrat  now,  I  take  it.  But  what 
did  you  say  a  little  while  ago?  Did  you  say  we  could  re 
sume?  No;  you  swore  we  could  not,  and  yon  swore  our 
bonds  would  be  worthless  as  the  withered  leaves  of  winter. 


COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

And  now,  when  a  Democrat  goes  to  England  and  sees  an 
American  four  per  cent,  quoted  at  110  lie  kind  of  swells  up 
(laughter),  and  he  says:  "  That's  the  kind  of  a  man  I  am." 
(Great  laughter.)  In  that  country  he  pretends  he  was  a 
Republican  in  this.  And  I  don't  blame  him.  And  I  don't 
begrudge  him  enjoying  respectability  when  away  from  home. 
(Laughter.)  The  Republican  party  is  entitled  to  the  credit 
for  keeping  this  Nation  grandly  and  splendidly  honest.  (Ap 
plause.)  I  say,  the  Republican  party  is  entitled  to  the  credit 
of  preserving  the  honor  of  this  Nation.  (Applause.) 

THE  STRUGGLE  AFTER  THE  PANIO. 

In  1873  came  the  crash,  and  all  the  languages  of  the 
world  can  not  describe  the  agonies  suffered  by  the  Ameri 
can  people  from  1873  to  1879.  A  man  who  thought  he  was 
a  millionaire  came  to  poverty;  he  found  his  stocks  and  bonds 
ashes  in  the  paralytic  hand  of  old  age.  Men  who  expected 
to  have  lived  all  their  lives  in  the  sunshine  of  joy  found 
themselves  beggars  and  paupers.  The  great  factories  were 
closed,  the  workmen  were  demoralized,  and  the  roads  of  the 
United  States  were  filled  with  tramps.  In  the  hovel  of  the 
poor  and  the  palace  of  the  rich  came  the  serpent  of  tempta 
tion  and  whispered  in  the  American  ear  the  terrible  word 
"Repudiation."  But  the  Republican  party  said,  "No,  we 
will  pay  every  dollar.  (Applause.)  No;  we  have  started 
toward  the  shining  goal  of  resumption,  and  we  never  will 
turn  back."  (Applause.)  And  the  Republican  party 
struggled  until  it  had  the  happiness  of  seeing  upon  the  broad 
shining  forehead  of  American  labor  the  words  "  Financial 
Honor."  (Applause.) 

The  Republican  party  struggled  until  every  paper  prom 
ise  was  as  good  as  gold.  (Applause.)  And  the  moment 
we  got  back  to  gold  then  we  commenced  to  rise  again.  We 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  153 

could  not  jnmp  np  until  our  feet  touched  something  that 
they  pressed  against.  A'vl  from  that  moment  to  this  we 
have  been  going,  going,  going  higher  and  higher,  more 
prosperous  every  hour.  (Applause.)  And  now  they  say, 
"  Let  us  have  a  change."  (Laughter.)  When  I  am  sick  I 
want  a  change;  when  I  am  poor  I  want  a  change;  and  if  I 
were  a  Democrat  I  would  have  a  personal  change.  (Laugh 
ter.)  We  are  prosperous  to-day,  and  must  keep  so.  We 
are  back  to  gold  and  silver.  Let  us  stay  there;  and  let  us 
stay  with  the  party  that  brought  us  there.  ("Goodl" 
"  Goodl  "  and  applause.) 

A   NATION   NOT   A   OONFEDEKAOT. 

Now,  I  am  not  only  in  favor  of  free  speech  and  an  hon 
est  ballot-box  and  an  honest  collection  of  the  revenue 
of  the  United  States,  and  an  honest  money,  but  I  am 
in  favor  of  the  idea  of  the  great  and  splendid  truth 
that  this  is  a  Nation  one  and  indivisible.  (Great  applause.) 
I  deny  that  we  are  a  confederacy  bound  together  with 
ropes  of  cloud  and  chains  of  mist.  This  is  a  Nation,  and 
every  man  in  it  owes  his  first  allegiance  to  the  grand  old 
flag  for  which  more  brave  blood  was  shed  than  for  any 
other  flag  that  waves  in  the  sight  of  heaven.  (Great  ap 
plause.) 

The  Southern  people  say  this  is  a  confederacy  and  they 
are  honest  in  it  They  fought  for  it,  they  believed  it.  They 
believe  in  the  doctrine  of  State  Sovereignty,  and  many 
Democrats  of  the  North  believe  in  the  same  doctrine.  No 
less  a  man  than  Horatio  Seymour — standing,  it  may  be,  at 
the  head  of  Democratic  statesmen — said,  if  he  has  been  cor 
rectly  reported,  only  the  other  day,  that  he  despised  the 
word  u  Nation."  1  bless  that  word.  (Applause.)  I  owe 
my  first  allegiance  to  that  Nation,  and  it  owes  its  first  protec- 


COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

tion  to  me.  (Great  applause.)  I  am  talking  here  to-night, 
not  because  I  am  protected  by  the  flag  of  New  York.  1 
would  not  know  that  flag  if  1  should  see  it.  (Laughter.)  I 
am  talking  here  and  have  the  right  to  talk  here  because  the 
flag  of  my  country  is  above  us.  (Applause.)  I  have  the 
same  right  as  though  I  had  been  born  upon  this  very  plat 
form.  I  am  proud  of  New  York  because  it  is  a  part  of  my 
country.  I  am  proud  of  my  country  because  it  has  got 
such  a  State  as  New  York  in  it  (great  applause),  and  I  will 
be  prouder  of  New  York  on  a  week  from  next  Tuesday,  than 
ever  before  in  my  life.  (Great  cheering.)  I  despise  the 
doctrine  of  State  Sovereignty.  I  believe  in  the  rights  of 
the  States,  but  not  in  the  sovereignty  of  the  States.  States 
are  political  conveniences.  Rising  above  States  as  the 
Alps  above  valleys  are  the  rights  of  man.  Rising  above 
the  rights  of  the  Government  even  in  this  Nation  are 
the  sublime  rights  of  the  people.  (Loud  applause.)  Gov 
ernments  are  good  only  so  long  as  they  protect  human 
rights.  But  the  rights  of  a  man  never  should  be  sacrificed 

O  CD 

upon  the  altar  of  the  State  or  upon  the  altar  of  the  Nation. 
(Applause.) 

STATE   SOVEREIGNTY   AND   HUMAN   8LAVEBY. 

Let  me  tell  you  a  few  objections  that  I  have  got  to  State 
Sovereignty.  That  doctrine  has  never  been  appealed  to  for 
any  good.  The  first  time  it  was  appealed  to  was  when  our 
Constitution  was  made.  And  the  object  then  was  to  keep 
the  slave  trade  open  until  the  year  1808.  The  object  then 
was  to  make  the  sea  the  highway  of  piracy — the  object  then 
was  to  allow  American  citizens  to  go  into  the  business  of 
selling  men  and  women  and  children,  and  feed  their  cargo 
to  the  sharks  of  the  sea,  and  the  sharks  of  the  sea  were  as 
merciful  as  they.  That  was  the  first  time  that  the  appeal 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  155 

to  the  doctrine  of  State  Sovereignty  was  made,  and  the  next 
time  was  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  alive  the  inter-state  of 
-lave  trade,  so  that  a  gentleman  in  Virginia  could  sell  his 
slave  to  the  rice  and  cotton  plantations  of  the  South.  Think 
of  it  I  It  was  made  so  they  could  rob  the  cradle  in  the  name 
of  law.  Think  of  it!  Think  of  itl  And  the  next  time 
they  appealed  to  the  doctrine  of  State  Sovereignty  was 
in  lavor  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law — a  law  that  made  a  blood 
hound  of  every  Northern  man;  that  made  charity  a  crime. 
A  law  that  made  love  a  State  prison  offense;  that  branded 
the  forehead  of  charity  as  if  it  were  a  felon.  Think  of  it! 
A  law  that,  if  a  woman  ninety -nine  one  hundredths  white 
had  escaped  from  slavery,  had  traversed  forests,  had  been 
torn  by  briars,  had  crossed  rivers,  had  traveled  at  night  and 
in  darkness,  and  had  finally  got  within  one  step  of  free  soil 
with  the  whole  light  of  the  North  star  shining  in  her  tear- 
filled  eyes,  with  her  little  babe  on  her  withered  bosom — a 
law  that  declared  it  the  duty  of  Northern  men  to  clutch 
that  woman  and  turn  her  back  to  the  domination  of  the 
hound  and  lash.  (Tremendous  applause.)  I  have  no  re 
spect  for  any  man  living  or  dead  who  voted  for  that  law.  I 
have  no  respect  for  any  man  who  would  carry  it  out.  I 
never  had. 

The  next  time  they  appealed  to  the  doctrine  of  State  Sov 
ereignty  was  to  increase  the  area  of  human  slavery,  so  that 
the  blood-hound  with  clots  of  blood  dropping  from  hie 
loose  and  hanging  jaws,  might  traverse  the  billowy  plains 
of  Kansas.  Think  of  itl  The  Democratic  party  then  said 
the  Federal  Government  had  a  right  to  cross  the  State  line. 
And  the  next  time  they  appealed  to  that  infamous  doctrine 
was  in  defense  of  secession  and  treason;  a  doctrine  that  cost 
us  six  thousand  millions  of  dollars;  a  doctrine  that  cost  four 
hundred  thousand  lives;  a  doctrine  that  filled  our  country 


156  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

with  widows,  our  homes  with  orphans.  And  I  tell  yon  thf 
doctrine  of  State  Sovereignty  is  the  viper  in  the  bosom  of 
this  Republic,  and  if  we  do  not  kill  this  viper  it  will  kill  ua. 
(Long  continued  applause.) 

The  Democrats  tell  us  that  in  the  olden  time  the  Federal 
Government  had  a  right  to  cross  a  State  line  to  put  shackles 
upon  the  limbs  of  men.  It  had  a  right  to  cross  a  State  line 
to  trample  upon  the  rights  of  human  beings,  but  now  it  has 
no  right  to  cross  those  lines  upon  an  errand  of  mercy  or 
justice.  We  are  told  that  now,  when  the  Federal  Govern 
ment  wishes  to  protect  a  citizen,  a  State  line  rises  like  a 
Chinese  wall,  and  the  sword  of  Federal  power  turns  to  air 
the  moment  it  touches  one  of  those  lines.  I  deny  it  and  I 
despise,  abhor  and  execrate  the  doctrine  of  State  Sover 
eignty.  (Applause.)  The  Democrats  tell  us  if  we  wish  to 
be  protected  by  the  Federal  Government  we  must  leave 
home.  (Laughter.)  I  wish  they  would  try  it  (applause) 
for  about  ten  days.  (Great  laughter.)  They  say  the  Fed 
eral  Government  can  defend  a  citizen  in  England,  France, 
Spain,  or  Germany,  but  can  not  defend  a  child  of  the  Re 
public  sitting  around  the  family  hearth.  I  deny  it.  A 
Government  that  cannot  protect  its  citizen  at  home  is  unfit 
to  be  called  a  Government.  (Applause.)  I  want  a  Gov 
ernment  with  an  arm  long  enough  and  a  sword  sharp 
enough  to  cut  down  treason  wherever  it  may  raise  its  ser 
pent  head.  (Applause.)  I  want  a  Government  that  will 
protect  a  freedman,  standing  by  his  little  log  hut,  with  the 
same  efficiency  that  it  would  protect  Vanderbilt  living  in  a 
palace  of  marble  and  gold.  (Applause.)  Humanity  is  a 
sacred  thing,  and  manhood  is  a  thing  to  be  preserved.  Let 
us  look  at  it.  For  instance,  here  is  a  war,  and  the  Federal 
Government  says  to  a  man,  "  We  want  you,"  and  he  says, 
"  Ko,  I  don't  want  to  go,"  and  then  they  put  a  lot  of  pieces 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  157 

of  paper  in  a  wheel  and  on  one  of  those  pieces  is  his  name 
and  another  man  turns  the  crank,  and  then  they  pull  it  out 
and  there  is  his  name,  and  they  say,  "  Come,"  and  so  he 
goes.  (Laughter.)  And  they  stand  him  in  front  of  the 
brazen  throated  guns;  they  make  him  fight  for  his  native 
land,  and  when  the  war  is  over  he  goes  home  and  he  finds 
the  war  has  been  unpopular  in  his  neighborhood,  and  they 
tramp  upon  his  rights,  and  he  says  to  the  Federal  Govern 
ment,  "  Protect  me."  And  he  says  to  that  Government,  "  I 
owe  my  allegiance  to  you.  You  must  protect  me."  What 
will  you  say  of  that  Government  if  it  eays  to  him,  "You 
must  look  to  your  State  for  protection."  "  Ah,  but,"  he 
says,  "  my  State  is  the  very  power  trampling  upon  me," 
and,  of  course,  the  robber  is  not  going  to  send  for  the  po 
lice.  (Applause.)  It  is  the  duty  of  the  Government  to 
defend  even  its  drafted  men;  and  if  that  is  the  duty  of  the 
Government,  what  shall  I  say  of  the  volunteer,  who  for  one 
moment  holds  his  wife  in  a  tremulous  and  agonized  em 
brace,  kisses  his  children,  shoulders  his  musket,  goes  to 
the  field,  and  says,  "  Here  I  am,  ready  to  die  for  my  native 
land."  (A  voice,  "  Good.")  A  nation  that  will  not  defend 
its  volunteer  defenders  is  a  disgrace  to  the  man  of  this  world. 
A  flag  that  will  not  protect  its  protectors  is  a  dirty  rag  that 
contaminates  the  air  in  which  it  waves.  (Applause.)  This 
is  a  Nation.  Free  speech  is  the  brain  of  the  Republic;  an 
honest  ballot  is  the  breath  of  its  life;  honest  money  is  the 
blood  of  its  veins;  and  the  idea  of  nationality  is  its  great 
beating,  throbbing  heart.  (Applause.)  I  am  for  a  Nation. 
And  yet  the  Democrats  tell  me  that  it  is  dangerous  to  have 
centralized  power.  How  would  you  have  it?  I  believe  in 
the  localization  of  power;  I  believe  in  having  enough  of  it 
localized  in  one  place  to  be  effectively  used;  I  believe  in  a 
localization  of  brain.  I  suppose  Democrats  would  like  to 


i  $8  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

have  it  spread  all  over  your  body  (applause  and  laughter), 
and  they  act  as  though  theirs  was. 

PBOTEOTING  AMERICAN  LABOB. 

There  is  another  thing  in  which  I  believe;  I  believe  in 
the  protection  of  American  labor.  The  hand  that  holds 
Aladdin's  lamp  must  be  the  hand  of  toil.  This  Nation 
rests  upon  the  shoulders  of  its  workers,  and  I  want  the 
American  laboring  man  to  have  enough  to  wear;  I  want 
him  to  have  enough  to  eat;  I  want  him  to  have  something 
for  the  ordinary  misfortunes  of  life;  I  want  him  to  have  the 
pleasure  of  seeing  his  wife  well  dressed;  I  want  him  to  see 
a  few  blue  ribbons  fluttering  about  his  children;  I  want 
him  to  see  the  flags  of  health  flying  in  their  beautiful 
cheeks;  1  want  him  to  feel  that  this  is  his  country,  and  the 
shield  of  protection  is  above  bis  labor.  (Applause.) 

And  I  will  tell  you  why  I  am  for  protection,  too.  If  we 
were  all  farmers  we  would  be  stupid.  If  we  were  all  shoe 
makers  we  would  be  stupid.  If  we  all  followed  one  busi 
ness,  no  matter  what  it  was,  we  would  become  stupid.  Pro 
tection  to  American  labor  diversifies  American  industry, 
and  to  have  it  diversified  touches  and  develops  every  part 
of  the  human  brain.  Protection  protects  integrity;  it  pro 
tects  intelligence;  and  protection  raises  sense;  and  by  pro 
tection  we  have  greater  men  and  better  looking  women  and 
healthier  children.  (Applause.)  Free  Trade  means  that 
our  laborer  is  upon  an  equality  with  the  poorest  paid  labor 
of  this  world.  And  allow  me  to  tell  you  that  for  an  empty 
stomach,  "Hurrah  for  Hancock"  is  a  poor  consolation- 
(Laughter.)  I  do  not  think  much  of  a  government  where 
the  people  do  not  have  enough  to  eat.  (Applause.)  I  am  a 
materialist  to  that  extent;  I  want  something  to  eat.  I  have 
been  in  countries  where  the  laboring  man  had  meat  OE.CP  % 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  1 59 

year;  sometimes  twice — Christmas  and  Easter.  And  I  have 
seen  women  carrying  upon  their  heads  a  burden  that  no 
man  in  the  audience  could  carry,  and  at  the  same  time  knit 
ting  busily  with  both  hands,  and  those  women  lived  with 
out  meat;  and  when  I  thought  of  the  American  laborer,  I 
said  to  myself,  "  After  all,  my  country  is  the  best  in  the 
world."  (Applause.)  And  when  I  came  back  to  the  sea 
and  saw  the  old  flag  flying  in  the  air,  it  seemed  to  me  as 
though  the  air  from  pure  joy  had  burst  into  blossom.  (Ap 
plause.) 

Labor  has  more  to  eat  and  more  to  wear  in  the  United 
States  than  in  any  other  land  of  this  earth.  (Applause.)  I 
want  America  to  produce  everything  that  Ainerisans  need. 
I  want  it  so  if  the  whole  world  should  declare  war  against 
us,  so  if  we  were  surrounded  by  walls  of  cannons  and  bay 
onets  and  swords,  we  could  supply  all  our  human  wants  in 
and  of  ourselves.  (Applause.)  I  want  to  live  to  see  the 
American  woman  dressed  in  American  silk;  the  American 
man  in  everything  from  hat  to  boots  produced  in  America 
(applause),  by  the  cunning  hand  of  the  American  toiler.  I 
want  to  see  workingmen  have  a  good  house,  painted  white, 
grass  in  the  front  yard,  carpets  on  its  floor,  pictures  on  the 
wall.  (Applause.)  I  want  to  see  him  a  man  feeling  that  he  is 
a  king  by  the  divine  right  of  living  in  the  Republic.  (Ap 
plause.)  And  every  man  here  is  just  a  little  bit  a  king, 
you  know.  Every  man  here  is  a  part  of  the  sovereign 
power.  Every  man  wears  a  little  of  purple;  every  man 
has  a  little  of  crown  and  a  little  of  scepter;  and  every  man 
that  will  sell  his  vote  for  money  or  be  ruled  by  prejudice  is 
unfit  to  be  an  American  citizen.  (Applause.) 

I  believe  in  American  labor,  and  1  tell  you  why.  The 
other  day  a  man  told  me  that  we  had  produced  in  the  Uni 
ted  States  of  America  one  million  tons  of  rails.  How 


160  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

ranch  are  they  worth?  Sixty  dollars  a  ton.  In  other  words, 
the  million  tons  are  worth  $60,000,000.  How  much  is  a 
ton  of  iron  worth  in  the  ground?  Twenty-five  cents. 
American  labor  takes  twenty-five  cents'  worth  of  iron  in 
the  ground  and  adds  to  it  $59.75.  (Applause.)  Oue  mill 
ion  tons  of  rails,  and  the  raw  material  not  worth  $24,000. 
We  build  a  ship  in  the  United  States  worth  $500,000,  and 
the  value  of  the  ore  in  the  earth,  of  the  trees  in  the  great 
forest,  of  all  that  enters  into  the  composition  of  that  ship 
bringing  $500,000  in  gold,  is  only  $20,000;  $480,000  by 
American  labor,  American  muscle,  coined  into  gold; 
American  brains  made  a  legal  tender  the  world  around. 
(Applause.) 

SOURCE  OF  THE  FEEE  TRADE  DOCTRINE. 

I  propose  to  stand  by  the  Nation.  I  want  the  furnaces 
kept  hot.  I  want  the  sky  to  be  filled  with  the  smoke  of 
American  industry,  and  upon  that  cloud  of  smoke  will  rest 
forever  the  bow  of  perpetual  promise.  ("Good,"  "good"; 
great  cheers.)  That  is  what  I  am  for.  (A  voice,  "  So  are 
we  all.")  Yes,  sir.  (Laughter.)  Where  did  this  doctrine 
of  a  tariff  for  revenue  come  from  ?  From  the  South.  The 
South  would  like  to  stab  the  prosperity  of  the  North.  They 
had  rather  trade  with  Old  England  than  with  New  Enw- 

tJ  ~ 

land.  They  had  rather  trade  with  the  people  who  were  will 
ing  to  help  them  in  war  than  those  who  conquered  the  re 
bellion.  (Great  cheers.)  They  knew  what  gave  us  our 
strength  in  war.  They  knew  that  all  the  brooks  and  creeks 
and  rivers  of  New  England  were  putting  down  the  rebell 
ion.  They  knew  that  every  wheel  that  turned,  every  spin 
dle  that  revolved,  was  a  soldier  in  the  army  of  human  prog 
ress.  It  won't  do.  (Great  applause.)  They  were  so  lured 
by  the  greed  of  office  that  they  were  willing  to  trade  upon 
the  misfortunes  of  a  Nation,  It  won't  do.  I  don't  wish 


GEEAT  SPEECHES.  I&l 

to  belong  to  a  party  that  succeeds  only  when  my  country 
falls.  I  don't  wish  to  belong  to  a  party  whose  banner  went 
up  with  the  banner  of  rebellion.  I  don't  wish  to  belong  to 
a  party  that  was  in  partnership  with  defeat  and  disaster.  I 
don't.  (Applause.)  And  there  isn't  a  Democrat  here  but 
what  knows  that  a  failure  of  the  crops  this  year  would  have 
helped  his  party.  (Applause.)  You  know  that  an  early 
frost  would  have  been  a  God-send  to  them.  (Applause.) 
You  know  that  the  potato-bug  could  have  done  them  more 
good  than  all  their  speakers.  (Great  applause.) 

1  wish  to  belong  to  that  party  which  is  prosperous  when 
the  country  is  prosperous.  I  belong  to  that  party  which  is 
not  poor  when  the  golden  billows  are  running  over  the  seas 
of  wheat.  I  belong  to  that  party  that  is  prosperous  when 
there  are  oceans  of  corn,  and  when  the  cattle  are  upon  the 
thousand  hills.  1  belong  to  that  party  which  is  prosperous 
when  the  furnaces  are  aflame;  and  when  you  dig  coal  and 
iron  and  silver;  when  everybody  has  enough  to  eat;  when 
everybody  is  happy;  when  the  children  are  all  going  to 
school  (applause);  and  when  joy  covers  my  Nation  as  with 
a  garment.  (Applause.)  That  party  which  is  prosperous, 
then,  that  is  my  party. 

Now,  then,  I  have  been  telling  you  what  I  am  for — I  am 
for  free  speech,  and  so  ought  you  to  be.  I  am  for  an  hon 
est  ballot,  and  if  you  are  not  you  ought  to  be.  I  am  for 
the  collection  of  revenue.  I  am  for  honest  money.  I  am 
for  the  idea  that  this  is  a  Nation  forever.  (Great  applause.) 
I  believe  in  protecting  American  labor.  (Great  applause.) 
I  want  the  shield  of  my  country  above  every  anvil,  above 
every  furnace,  above  every  cunning  head  and  above  every 
deft  of  American  labor.  (Applause.) 

Now,  then,  what  section  of  this  country  will  be  the  more 
apt  to  carry  these  ideas  into  execution?  What  party  will 
II 


1 62  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

ba  the  more  apt  to  achieve  these  errand  and  splendid  things? 
Honor  bright?  (Laughter.)  Now  we  have  not  only  to 
ci  loose  between  sections  of  the  country — we  have  to  choose 
between  parties.  Here  is  the  Democratic  party — and  I  ad 
mit  that  there  are  thousands  of  good  Democrats  who  went 
to  the  war,  and  some  of  those  that  stayed  at  home  were 
good  men— and  I  want  to  ask  you,  and  I  want  you  to  tell 
me  in  reply,  what  that  party  did  during  the  war  when  the 
war  Democrats  were  away  from  home.  What  did  they  do? 
That  is  the  question.  I  say  to  you  that  every  man  who 
tried  to  tread  our  flag  out  of  heaven  was  a  Democrat.  (Ap 
plause.)  The  men  who  wrote  the  ordinances  of  secession, 
who  fired  upon  Fort  Sumter;  the  men  who  starved  our  sol 
diers,  who  fed  them  with  the  crumbs  that  the  worms  had 
devoured  before — they  were  Democrats.  The  keepers  of 
Libby,  the  keepers  of  Andersouville,  were  Democrats — Lib- 
by  and  Andersonville,  the  two  mighty  wings  that  will  bear 
the  memory  of  the  confederacy  to  eternal  infamy.  And 
when  some  poor,  emaciated  Union  patriot,  driven  to  insan 
ity  by  famine,  saw  in  an  insane  dream  the  face  of  his  moth 
er,  and  she  beckoned  him  and  he  followed  hoping  to  press 
her  lips  once  again  against  his  fevered  face,  and  when  he 
stepped  one  step  beyond  the  dead  line,  the  wretch  that  put 
the  bullet  through  his  loving,  throbbing  heart  was  a  Dem 
ocrat.  (Great  applause.)  The  men  who  wished  to  scatter 
yellow  fever  in  the  North,  and  who  tried  to  fire  the  great 
cities  of  the  North,  knowing  that  the  serpents  of  flame 
would  devour  the  women  and  babes — they  were  all  Demo 
crats.  (Applause.)  He  who  said  that  the  greenback  never 
would  be  paid,  and  he  who  slandered  sixty  cents  out  of  ev 
ery  dollar  of  the  Nation's  promise?,  were  Democrats.  Who 
were  joyful  when  your  brothers  and  your  sons  and  fathers 
lay  dead  on  the  field  of  battle  that  the  country  has  lost! 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  163 

They  were  Democrats.  The  men  who  wept  when  the  old 
flag  floated  in  triumph  above  the  ramparts  <3f  rebellion — 
they  were  Democrats.  You  know  it.  The  men  who  wept- 
when  slavery  was  destroyed,  who  believed  slavery  to  be  a 
divine  institution,  who  regarded  blood-hounds  as  apostles 
and  missionaries,  and  who  wept  at  the  funeral  of  that  in 
fernal  institution — they  were  Democrats.  Bad  company — 
bad  company  1  (Laughter  and  applause.) 

And  let  me  implore  all  the  young  men  here  not  to 
join  that  party.  Do  not  give  new  blood  to  that  institution. 
The  Democratic  party  has  a  yellow  passport.  On  one  side 
it  says  "  dangerous."  They  imagine  they  have  not  changed, 
and  that  is  because  they  have  not  intellectual  growth.  That 
party  was  once  the  enemy  of  my  country,  was  once  the  en 
emy  of  our  flag,  and  more  than  that  it  was  once  the  enemy 
of  human  liberty,  and  that  party  to-night  is  not  willing 
that  the  citizens  of  the  Republic  should  exercise  all  their 
rights  irrespective  of  their  color.  And  allow  me  to  say 
right  here  that  I  am  opposed  to  that  party.  (Loud  ap 
plause.) 

CANDIDATES  OF  THE  TWO  PARTIES. 

We  have  not  only  to  choose  between  parties,  but  to 
choose  between  candidates.  The  Democracy  have  put  for 
ward  as  the  bearers  of  their  standard  General  Hancock  and 
William  H.  English.  (Hisses,  "No,  no,  no.")  They  will  soon 
be  beyond  hissing.  (Roars  of  laughter.)  But  let  us  treat 
them  respectfully.  When  I  am  by  the  side  of  the  dying,  I 
never  throw  up  their  crimes.  I  feel  to-night  as  though 
standing  by  the  open  grave  of  the  Democratic  party  (great 
laughter),  and  allow  me  to  say,  that  I  feel  as  well  as  could 
be  expected.  (Much  laughter.) 

That  party  has  nominated  General  Winfield  S.  Han 
cock,  and  I  am  told  that  he  is  a  good  soldier.  I  admit  it.  I 


164  COL.  INwiJRSOLI/S 

t 

•lon't  know  whether  he  is  or  not.  I  admit  it.  (Laughter.) 
That  \v:is  hi^  reputation  before  he  was  nominated,  and  I  am 
willing  to  let  him  have  the  advantage  of  all  he  had  before 
he  was  nominated.  He  had  a  conversation  with  General 
Grant.  (Great  applause.)  It  was  a  time  when  he  had  been 
appointed  at  the  head  of  the  Department  of  the  Gulf.  In 
that  conversation  he  stated  to  General  Grant  that  he  was 
opposed  to  "nigger  domination."  Grant  said  to  him,  "  "We 
mnst  obey  the  laws  of  Congress.  (Applause.)  We  are  sol 
diers."  And  that  meant,  the  military  is  not  above  the 
civil  authority.  (Applause.)  And  1  tell  you  to-night  that 
the  army  and  the  navy  are  the  right  and  the  left  hands  of 
the  civil  power.  (Applause.)  Grant  said  to  him:  "Three 
or  four  million  ex-slaves,  without  property  and  without  ed 
ucation,  cannot  dominate  over  thirty  or  forty  millions  of 
white  people,  with  education  and  with  property."  Gen 
eral  Hancock  replied  to  that:  "  I  am  opposed  to  'nigger 
domination.'"  Allow  me  to  say  that  I  do  not  believe  any 
man  fit  for  the  Presidency  of  this  great  Republic,  who  is 
capable  of  insulting  a  down-trodden  race.  (Great  applause.) 
I  never  meet  a  negro  that  I  do  not  feel  like  asking  his  for 
giveness  for  the  wrongs  that  my  race  has  inflicted  on  his. 
(Applause.)  I  remember  that  from  the  white  man  he  re 
ceived  for  200  years  agony  and  tears;  I  remember  that  my 
race  sold  a  child  from  the  agonized  breast  of  a  mother;  I 
remember  that  my  race  trampled  with  the  feet  of  greed 
upon  all  the  holy  relations  of  life;  and  I  do  not  feel  like  in 
sulting  the  colored  man;  I  feel  rather  like  asking  the  for 
giveness  of  his  race  for  the  crimes  that  my  race  have 
put  upon  him.  "  Nigger  domination."  What  a  fine 
scabbard  that  makes  for  the  sword  of  Gettysburg.  It  won't 
do.  (Laughter.) 

What  is  General  Hancock  for,  beside*  the  Presidency  I 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  165 

(Laughter.)  How  does  he  stand  upon  the  great  questions 
affecting  American  prosperity?  (Cries  of  "Give  it  up," 
"  Give  us  an  easier  one."  Laughter.)  He  told  us  the  other 
day  that  the  tariff  is  a  local  question.  The  tariff  affects 
every  man  and  woman  that  has  a  back  to  be  covered  or  a 
stomach  to  be  filled,  and  yet  he  says  it  is  a  local  question. 
(Laughter.)  So  is  death.  (Laughter.)  He  also  told  us  that 
he  heard  that  question  discussed  once  in  Pennsylvania. 
(Great  laughter.)  He  must  have  been  "  eavesdropping." 
(Great  laughter.)  And  he  tells  us  that  his  doctrine  of  the 
tariff  will  continue  as  long  as  Nature  lasts.  (Langhter.) 
Then  Senator  Randolph  wrote  him  a  letter.  I  don't  know 
whether  Senator  Randolph  answered  it  or  not  (laughter); 
but  that  answer  was  worse  than  the  first  interview,  and  I 
understand  now  that  another  letter  is  going  through  a  period 
of  incubation  at  Governor's  Island,  upon  the  great  subject 
of  tariff.  It  won't  do.  (Applause  and  laughter.) 

They  say  one  thing  they  are  sure  of,  lie  is  opposed  to  pay 
ing  Southern  pensions  and  Southern  claims.  He  says  that 
a  man  that  fought  against  this  Government  has  no  right  to 
a  pension.  Good!  I  say  a  man  that  fought  against  this 
Government  has  no  right  to  office.  (Loud  and  prolonged 
applause.)  If  a  man  cannot  earn  a  pension  by  tearing  our 
flag  out  of  the  sky,  he  cannot  earn  power.  (A  voice — 
"  How  about  Longstreet?")  Longstreet  has  repented  of 
what  he  did.  Longstreet  admits  that  he  was  wrong.  And 
there  was  no  braver  officer  in  the  Southern  Confederacy. 
(Applause.)  Every  man  of  the  South  who  will  say,  "  I 
made  a  mistake,"  I  don't  want  him  to  say  that  he  knew 
he  was  wrong — all  I  ask  him  to  say  is  that  he  now 
thinks  he  was  wrong,  and  every  man  of  the  South  to-day 
who  says  he  was  wrong,  and  who  says  from  this  day  forward, 
henceforth  and  forerer,  he  is  for  this  being  a  nation,  I  will 


i66  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

take  him  by  the  hand.  (Renewed  applause.)  But  while 
he  is  attempting  to  do  at  the  ballot-box  what  he  failed  to 
accomplish  upon  the  field  of  battle,  I  am  against  him; 
while  he  uses  a  Northern  General  to  bait  a  Southern  "trap 
I  won't  bite.  I  will  forgive  men  when  they  deserve  to  be 
forgiven ;  but  while  they  insist  that  they  were  right,  while 
they  insist  that  State  Sovereignty  is  the  proper  doctrine,  I 
am  opposed  to  their  climbing  into  power. 

Hancock  says  that  he  will  not  pay  these  claims;  he  agrees 
to  veto  a  bill  that  his  party  may  pass;  he  agrees  in  advance 
that  he  will  defeat  a  party  that  he  expects  will  elect  him; 
he,  in  effect,  says  to  the  people,  "  You  can't  trust  that  party, 
bnt  you  can  trust  me."  He  says,  "Look  at  them;  I  admit 
they  are  a  hungry  lot;  I  admit  that  they  haven't  had  a  bite 
in  twenty  years;  I  admit  that  an  ordinary  famine  is 
satiety  compared  to  the  hunger  they  feel.  But  be 
tween  that  vast  appetite  known  as  the  Democratic  party, 
and  the  public  treasury  I  will  throw  the  shield  of  my  veto." 
(Applause.)  No  man  has  a  right  to  say  in  advance  what 
he  will  veto,  any  more  than  a  judge  has  a  right  to  say  in 
advance  how  he  will  decide  a  case.  (Applause.)  The  feto 
power  is  a  distinction  with  which  the  Constitution  has 
clothed  the  Executive,  and  no  President  has  a  right  to  say 
that  he  will  veto  until  he  has  heard  both  sides  of  the  ques 
tion.  (Applause.)  But  he  agrees  in  advance.  (Laughter.) 

I  would  rather  trust  a  party  than  a  man.  Death  may 
veto  Hancock,  and  death  has  not  been  a  successful  politi 
cian  in  the  United  States.  (Laughter.)  Tyler,  Fillmore. 
Andy  Johnson  (laughter) — I  don't  wish  Death  to  elect  any 
more  Presidents;  and  if  he  does,  and  if  Hancock  is  elected, 
"William  H.  English  becomes  President  of  the  United 
States.  (Hisses,  "No,  no,  no  I")  All  I  need  to  say  about 
him  is  simply  to  pronounce  his  name  (laughter);  thafr  ii 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  1 6? 

all.  Ton  don't  want  him.  Whether  the  many  stories  that 
have  been  told  about  him  are  true  or  not  I  don't  know,  and 
I  will  not  give  currency  to  a  solitary  word  against  the  rep 
utation  of  an  American  citizen  unless  I  know  it  to  be  true. 
(Applause  and  cries  of  "  Good ! ")  What  I  have  got  against 
him  is  what  he  has  done  in  public  life.  When  Charles 
Sumner  (loud  applause),  that  great  and  splendid  publicist-, 
Charles  Sumner,  the  great  philanthropist,  one  who  spoke  to 
the  conscience  of  the  time  and  to  the  history  of  the  future; 
when  he  stood  up  in  the  United  States  Senate  and  made  a 
great  and  glorious  plea  for  human  liberty,  there  crept  into 
the  Senate  a  villain  and  struck  him  down  as  though  he  had 
been  a  wild  beast.  That  man  was  a  member  of  Congress 
and  when  a  resolution  was  introduced  in  the  House  to  ex 
pel  that  man  William  H.  English  voted  No.  (Hisses.)  All 
the  stories  in  the  world  could  not  add  to  the  infamy  of  that 
public  act.  (Applause.)  That  is  enough  for  me,  and  what 
ever  his  private  life  may  be,  let  it  be  that  of  an  angel,  never, 
never,  never  will  I  vote  for  a  man  that  would  defend  the 
assassin  of  free  speech.  (Applause.)  General  Hancock, 
they  tell  me,  is  a  statesman  (laughter);  that  what  little 
time  he  has  to  spare  from  war  he  has  given  to  the  tariff 
(laughter),  and  what  little  time  he  could  spare  from  the 
tariff  he  has  given  to  the  Constitution  of  his  country;  show 
ing  under  what  circumstances  a  Major-General  can  put  at 
defiance  the  Congress  of  the  United  States.  It  won't  do. 
But  while  I  am  upon  that  subject  it  may  be  well  for  me 
to  state  that  he  never  will  be  President  of  the  United 
States.  (Loud  applause.) 

Now,  I  'say  that  a  man  who  in  time  of  peace  prefers 
peace,  and  prefers  the  avocations  of  peace;  a  man  who  in 
the  time  of  peace  would  rather  look  at  the  corn  in  the  air 
of  June,  rather  listen  to  the  hum  of  bees,  rather  sit 


i68  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

by  his  door  with  his  wife  and  children;  the  man  who  in 
time  of  peace  loves  peace,  and  yet  when  the  blast  of  war 
flows  in  his  ears  shoulders  the  musket  and  goes  to  the  field 
of  war  to  defend  his  country,  and  when  the  war  is  over  goes 
home  and  again  pursues  the  avocation  of  peace — that  man 
is  just  as  good,  to  say  the  least  of  him,  as  a  man  who  in  a 
time  of  profound  peace  makes  up  his  mind  that  he  would 
like  to  make  his  living  killing  other  folks.  To  say  the 
least  of  it,  he  is  as  good. 

THE   REPUBLICAN   STANDARD   BEARERS. 

The  Republicans  have  named  as  their  standard  bearers 
James  A.  Garfield  (tremendous  cheers,  again  and  again  re 
newed,  the  men  standing  up,  waving  their  hats  and  the 
Wies  their  handkerchiefs) — James  A.  Garfield  (cheers)  and 
Chester  A.  Arthur  (great  cheers  and  applause).  James  A. 
Garfield  was  a  volunteer  soldier,  and  he  took  away  from  the 
field  of  Chickamanga  as  much  glory  as  any  man  could  carry. 
(Great  applause.)  He  is  not  a  soldier,  he  is  a  statesman. 
(Applause.)  He  has  studied  and  discussed  all  the  great  ques 
tions  that  affect  the  prosperity  and  well-being  of  the  Ameri 
can  people.  His  opinions  are  well  known,  and  I  say  to  you 
to-night  that  there  is  not  in  this  Nation,  there  is  not  in  this 
Republic,  a  man  with  greater  brain  and  greater  heart  than 
James  A.  Garfield.  (Great  cheers.)  I  know  him  and  like  him. 
(Applause.)  I  know  him  as  well  as  any  other  public  man, 
and  I  like  him.  The  Democratic  party  say  that  he  is  not 
honest.  I  have  been  reading  some  Democratic  papers  to 
day,  and  you  would  say  that  every  one  of  their  editors  had 
a  private  sewer  of  his  own  (laughter)  into  which  had  been 
emptied  for  a  hundred  years  the  slops  of  helL  (Laughter 
and  applause.)  They  tell  me  that  James  A.  Garfield  is  not 
honest.  Are  you  a  Democrat?  Your  party  tried  to  steal 


GREAT  SPEECHES. 


169 


PRESIDENT  GARFIELD. 


nearly  half  this  country.  (Applause.)  Your  party  stole 
the  armament  of  a  nation.  Your  party  was  willing  to  live 
upon  the  unpaid  labor  of  four  millions  of  people.  You 
have  no  right  to  the  floor  for  the  purpose  of  making  a  mo 
tion  of  honesty.  (Applause.)  Sit  down.  (Laughter  and 
applause.)  '  James  A.  Garfield  has  been  at  the  head  of  the 
most  important  committees  of  Congress;  he  is  a  member 
of  the  most  important  one  of  the  whole  House.  He  has 
no  peer  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States.  (Applause.) 
And  you  know  it.  He  is  the  leader  of  the  House.  With 
one  wave  of  his  hand  he  can  take  millions  from  the  pocket 
of  one  industry  and  put  it  into  the  pocket  of  another;  with 
a  motion  of  his  hand  he  could  have  made  himself  a  man 


170  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

of  wealth,  but  he  is  to-night  a  poor  man.  (Applause.)  But 
he  is  rich  in  honor  (applause),  in  integrity  he  is  wealthy 
(applause),  and  in  brain  he  is  a  millionaire.  (Great  applause.) 
I  know  him  and  I  like  him.  (Cheers.)  He  is  as  genial  as 
May  and  he  is  as  generous  as  Autumn.  (Applause.)  And 
the  men  for  whom  he  has  done  unnumbered  favors,  the 
men  whom  he  had  pity  enough  not  to  destroy  with  an  ar 
gument,  the  men  who,  with  his  great  generosity,  he  has 
allowed,  intellectually,  to  live,  are  now  throwing  filth  at 
the  reputation  of  that  great  and  splendid  man.  (Cheers.) 

Several  ladies  and  gentlemen  were  passing  a  muddy 
place  around  which  were  gathered  ragged  and  wretched 
•irchins.  Arid  these  little  wretches  began  to  throw  mud  at 
them;  and  one  gentleman  said,  "If  you  don't  stop  I  will 
throw  it  back  at  yon."  And  a  little  fellow  said,  "  You 
can't  do  it  without  dirtying  your  hands."  (Laughter  and 
applause.)  "  And  it  doesn't  hurt  us,  anyway."  (Renewed 
laughter.) 

I  never  was  more  profoundly  happy  than  on  the  night  of 
that  12th  day  of  October  when  I  found  that  between  an 
honest  and  a  kingly  man  and  his  maligners,  two  great  States 
had  thrown  their  shining  shields.  (Great  applause.)  When 
Ohio  said,  "  Garfield  is  my  greatest  son,  and  there  never 
has  been  raised  in  the  cabins  of  Ohio  a  grander  man  "  (tre 
mendous  and  prolonged  applause  and  cheers);  and  when 
Indiana  (loud  cheers)— and  when  Indiana  held  up  her  hands 
and  said,  "  Allow  me  to  endorse  that  verdict,"  I  was  pro 
foundly  happy,  because  that  said  to  me,  '*  Garfield  will  carry 
every  Northern  State,"  that  said  to  me,  "  The  Solid  South 
will  be  confronted  by  a  great  and  splendid  North."  (Cheers.) 

I  know  Garfield.  I  like  him.  (Laughter  and  cheers.) 
Some  people  have  said, "  How  is  it  that  you  support  Garfield 
when  he  was  a  minister?"  (Laughter.)  "How  is  it  tl-.:.f 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  I/ 1 

/ou  support  Garfield  when  he  is  a  Christian?"  I  will  tell 
you.  There  are  two  reasons.  The  first  is,  I  am  not  a  beg 
gar;  and  secondly,  James  A.  Garfield  is  not  a  beggar.  He 
believes  in  giving  to  every  other  human  being  every  right 
he  claims  for  himself.  He  believes  in  an  absolute  divorce 
between  Church  and  State.  He  believes  that  every  religion 
should  rest  upon  its  morality,  upon  its  reason,  upon  its  per 
suasion,  upon  its  goodness,  upon  its  charity,  and  that  love 
should  never  appeal  to  the  sword  of  civil  war.  He  disagrees 
with  me  in  many  things,  but  in  the  one  thing,  that  the  air 
is  free  for  all,  we  do  agree.  I  want  to  do  equal  and  exact 
justice  everywhere.  I  want  the  world  of  thought  to  be 
without  a  chain,  without  a  wall.  James  A.  Garfield,  be 
lieving  with  me  as  he  does,  disagreeing  with  me  as  he  does 
is  perfectly  satisfactory  to  me.  I  know  him,  and  I  like 
him. 

Men  are  to-day  blackening  his  reputation,  who  are  not 
fit  to  blacken  his  shoes.  (Applause.)  He  is  a  man  of  brain. 
Since  his  nomination  he  must  have  made  forty  or  fifty 
speeches,  and  every  one  has  been  full  of  manhood  and  genius. 
He  has  not  said  a  word  that  has  not  strengthened  him  with 
the  American  people.  He  is  the  first  candidate  who  has 
been  free  to  express  himself  and  who  has  never  made  amis- 
take.  (Great  applause.)  I  will  tell  you  why  he  don't  make 
a  mistake;  because  he  spoke  from  the  inside  out.  (Ap 
plause.)  Because  he  was  guided  by  the  glittering  Northern 
star  of  principle.  Lie  after  lie  has  been  told  about  him. 
Slander  after  slander  has  been  hatched  and  put  in  the  air 
with  its  little  short  wings,  to  fly  its  dirty  day,  and  the  last 
lie  is  a  forgery.  (Great  applause.) 

I  saw  to-day  the  fac-simile  of  a  letter  that  they  pretend 
he  wrote  upon  the  Chinese  question.  I  know  his  writing; 
I  know  his  signature;  I  am  well  acquainted  with  his  writ- 


173  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

*• 

ing;  I  know  handwriting,  and  I  tell  you  to-night  that  letter 
and  that  signature  are  forgeries.  (Long  and  continued  ap 
plause.)  A  forgery  for  the  benefit  of  the  Pacific  States;  a 
forgery  for  the  purpose  of  convincing  the  American  work- 
ingman  that  Garfield  is  without  heart  I  tell  you,  my  fel 
low-citizens,  that  cannot  take  from  him  a  vote.  (Ap 
plause.)  But  Ohio  pierced  their  center  and  Indiana  rolled 
up  both  flanks  and  the  rebel  line  cannot  reform  with  a 
forgery  for  a  standard.  (Applause.)  They  are  gone. 
(Laughter.) 

NOT  PREACHING  A  GOSPEL  OF   HATS. 

Now  some  people  say  to  me,  "  How  long  are  you  going 
to  preach  the  doctrine  of  hate?"  I  never  did  preach  it.  In 
many  States  of  this  Union  it  is  a  crime  to  be  a  Republic 
an.  I  am  going  to  preach  my  doctrine  until  every  Amer 
ican  citizen  is  permitted  to  express  his  opinion  and  vote  as 
he  may  desire  in  every  State  of  the  Union.  (Applause.)  I 
am  going  to  preach  my  doctrine  until  this  is  a  civilized 
country.  That  is  all.  I  will  treat  the  gentlemen  of  the  South 
precisely  as  we  do  the  gentlemen  of  the  North.  Iwant  to 
treat  every  section  of  the  country  precisely  as  we  do  ours.  I 
want  to  improve  their  rivers  and  their  harbors;  I  want  to 
fill  their  laud  with  commerce;  I  want  them  to  prosper;  I 
want  them  to  build  school  houses;  I  want  them  to  open  the 
lands  to  immigration  to  all  people  who  desire  to  settle  upon 
their  soil.  I  want  to  be  friends  with  them;  I  want  to  let  the 
past  be  buried  forever;  I  want  to  let  bygones  be  bygones, 
but  only  upon  the  basis  that  we  are  now  in  favor  of  absolute 
liberty  and  eternal  justice.  (Great  applause.)  I  am  not 
willing  to  bury  nationality  or  free  speech  in  the  grave  for 
the  purpose  of  being  friends.  Let  us  etand  by  our  colors; 
let  the  old  Republican  party  that  has  made  this  a  Nation — 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  1/3 

the  old  Republican  party  that  has  saved  the  financial  honor 
of  this  party— let   that  party  stand  by  its  colors. 

Let  that  party  say,  "Free  speech  forever!"  Let  that 
party  say,  "  An  honest  ballot  forever  1 "  Let  that  party  say, 
"  Honest  money  forever;  the  Nation  and  the  flag  forever  1 " 
And  let  that  party  stand  by  the  great  men  carrying  her  ban 
ner,  James  A.  Garfield  and  Chester  A.  Arthur.  (Applause.) 
I  had  rather  trust  a  party  than  a  man.  If  General  Gar- 
field  dies,  the  Republican  party  lives.  If  General  Garfield 
dies,  General  Arthur  will  take  his  place — a  brave  and  hon 
est  and  intelligent  gentleman,  upon  whom  every  Repub 
lican  can  rely.  (Applause.)  And  if  he  dies,  the  Republican 
party  lives,  and  as  long  as  the  Republican  party  does  not 
die,  the  great  Republic  will  live.  As  long  as  the  Republican 
party  lives  this  will  be  the  asylum  of  the  world.  Let  me 
tell  you,  Mr.  Irishman,  this  is  the  only  country  on  the  earth 
where  Irishmen  have  had  enough  to  eat.  Let  me  tell  you 
Mr.  German,  that  you  have  more  liberty  here  than  you  had 
in  the  Fatherland.  Let  me  tell  you,  all  men,  that  this  is 
the  land  of  humanity. 

Oh!  I  love  the  old  Republic,  bound  by  the  seas,  walled  by 
the  wide  air,  domed  by  heavSn's  blue,  and  lit  with  the  eternal 
stars.  I  love  the  Republic;  I  love  it  because  I  love  liberty. 
Liberty  is  my  religion,  and  at  its  altar  I  worship  and 
worship.  (Long  continued  applause.) 


A  PAIR  IN  A  BOAT, 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  1/5 


Speech  at  New  York,  October  28,  1880. 

An  immense  meeting  of  business  men  was  held  on  Thurs 
day  afternoon  in  front  of  the  New  York  Sub-treasury  in  Wall 
street,  under  the  direction  of  the  Bankers'  &  Brokers'  Re 
publican  Club.  The  Produce  Exchange  Club  and  the  Dry 
Goods  C'nb  took  part  in  the  meeting.  Jackson  S.  Schultz 
presided,  and  Col.  Robert  G.  Ingersoll  made  a  brilliant  and 
effective  speech,  which  was  received  with  unbounded  en 
thusiasm.  Many  prominent  bankers  and  merchants  were 
in  the  audience. 

COL.  IXOERSOLL'S  ADDRESS. 

Fellow-citizens  of  the  great  city  of  New  York: — This  is 
the  grandest  audience  I  ever  saw.  (Great  applause.)  This 
audience  certifies  that  Gen.  James  A.  Garfield  (tremend 
ous  cheers) — that  James  A.  Garfield  is  to  be  the  next 
President  of  the  United  States.  (Renewed  cheers.)  This 
audience  certifies  that  a  Republican  is  to  be  the  next  mayor 
of  the  city  of  New  York.  (Great  cheers.)  This  audience 
certifies  that  the  business  men  of  New  York  understand 
their  interests,  and  that  the  business  men  of  New  York  are 
not  going  to  let  the  country  be  controlled  by  the  Rebel 
South  and  the  Rebel  North.  (Cheers.)  In  1860  the  Dem 
ocratic  party  appealed  to  force,  now  it  appeals  to  fraud. 
(Applause.)  In  1860  the  Democratic  party  appealed  to  the 
sword;  now  it  appeals  to  the  pen.  (Tremendous  cheers 
and  laughter.)  It  was  treason  then;  it  is  forgery  now. 
(Great  cheers.)  The  Democratic  party  cannot  be  trusted 
(A  voice,  "No,  no,  it  cannot!")  with  the  property  or 
with  the  honor  of  the  people  of  the  United  States.  (Ap 
plause.)  The  city  of  New  York  owes  a  great  debt  to  the 


176  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

country.  Every  man  that  has  cleared  a  farm  has  helped  to 
build  New  York;  every  man  who  helped  to  build  a  railway 
helped  to  build  up  the  palaces  of  this  city.  (Applause.) 
Where  I  am  now  speaking  are  the  termini  of  all  the  rail 
ways  in  the  United  States.  They  all  come  here.  New 
York  has  been  built  up  by  the  labor  of  the  country  (ap 
plause),  and  New  York  owes  it  to  the  country  to  protect 
the  best  interest  of  the  country.  (Applause.)  The  farm 
ers  of  Illinois  depend  upon  the  merchants,  the  brokers  and 
the  bankers,  upon  the  gentlemen  of  New  York,  to  beat  the 
rabble  of  New  York.  (Great  cheers.)  You  owe  to  your 
selves,  you  owe  to  the  Republic,  and  this  city  that  does  the 
business  of  a  hemisphere, — this  city  that  will  in  ten  years 
be  the  financial  center  of  this  world  (applause),  owes  it  to 
itself  to  be  true  to  the  great  principles  that  have  allowed  it 
to  exist  and  flourish.  (Great  applause.) 

The  Republicans  of  New  York  ought  to  say  that  this 
shall  be  forever  a  free  country.  The  Republicans  of  New 
York  ought  to  say  that  free  speech  shall  forever  be  held 
sacred  in  the  United  States.  (Applause.)  The  Republic 
ans  of  New  York  ought  to  see  that  the  party  that  de 
fended  the  Nation  shall  still  remain  in  power.  (Applause.) 
The  Republicans  of  New  York  should  see  that  the  flag  is 
safely  held  by  the  hands  that  defended  it  in  war.  (Ap 
plause.)  The  Republicans  of  New  York  know  that  the 
prosperity  of  the  country  depends  upon  good  government, 
and  they  also  know  that  good  government  means  protection 
to  the  people,  rich  and  poor,  black  and  white.  (Applause.) 
The  Republicans  know  that  a  black  friend  is  better  than  a 
white  enemy.  ("Good!  good!  "and  cheers.)  They  know 
that  a  negro  while  fighting  for  the  Government  is  better 
than  any  white  man  who  will  fight  against  it.  (Great 
cheers.)  The  Republicans  of  New  York  know  that  the  col- 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  177 

ored  party  in  the  South,  which  allows  every  man  to  vote  as 
he  pleases,  is  better  than  any  white  man  who  is  opposed  to 
allowing  a  negro  to  cast  his  honest  vote.  (Applause.)  A 
black  man  in  favor  of  liberty  is  better  than  a  white  man  in 
favor  of  slavery.  (Applause.)  The  Republicans  of  New 
York  must  be  true  to  their  friends.  (Applause.)  This  Gov 
ernment  means  to  protect  all  its  citizens,  at  home  and 
abroad,  or  it  becomes  a  by-word  in  the  mouths  of  the  nations 
of  the  world. 

Now  what  do  we  want  to  do?  (A  voice,  "Vote  for  Gar- 
field."  Great  cheers  and  laughter.)  Of  course.  We  are 
going  to  have  an  election  next  Tuesday,  and  every  Repub 
lican  knows  why  he  is  going  to  vote  the  Republican  ticket; 
while  every  Democrat  votes  his  without  knowing  why. 
(Great  laughter.)  A  Republican  is  a  Republican  because 
he  loves  something;  a  Democrat  is  a  Democrat  because  he 
hates  something.  (Great  applause.)  A  Republican  be 
lieves  in  progress;  a  Democrat  in  retrogression.  A  Demo 
crat  is  a  "  has  been."  He  is  a  "  used  to  be."  (Great 
laughter.)  The  Republican  party  lives  on  hope;  the  Dem 
ocratic  on  memory.  (Renewed  laughter.)  The  Democrat 
keeps  his  back  to  the  sun  and  imagines  himself  a  great 
man  because  he  casts  a  great  shadow.  (Laughter.)  Now, 
there  are  certain  things  we  want  to  preserve, — that  the 
business  men  of  New  York  want  to  preserve, — and,  in  the 
first  place,  we  want  an  honest  ballot.  (Applause.)  And 
where  the  Democratic  party  has  power  there  never  has  been 
an  honest  ballot.  You  take  the  worst  ward  in  this  city, 
and  there  is  where  you  will  find  the  greatest  Democratic 
majority.  (Applause.)  You  know  it  (laughter,)  and  so  do 
I.  (Laughter.)  There  is  not  a  university  in  the  North, 
East  or  West  that  has  not  in  it  a  Republican  majority. 
(Applause.)  There  is  not  a  penitentiary  in  the  United 
12 


178  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

States  (tremendous  laughter  and  cheers;  cries  of  "Good! 
Good!") — how  did  yon  know  what  I  was  going  to  say? 
(great  cheers  and  laughter,) — there  is  not  a  penitentiary,  I 
say,  (great  cheers,)  in  the  United  States  that  has  not  in  it 
a  Democratic  majority,  (outbursts  of  laughter,) — and  they 
know  it.  (Great  laughter.)  Two  years  ago  about  283  con 
victs  were  in  the  penitentiary  of  Maine.  Out  of  that  whole 
number  there  was  one  Republican,  (laughter,)  and  only  one. 
(A  voice,  "  Who  was  the  man? ")  "Well,  I  don't  know,  but 
he  broke  out.  (Great  laughter.)  He  said  he  didn't  mind 
being  in  the  Penitentiary,  but  the  company  was  a  little 
more  than  he  could  stand.  (Renewed  laughter.) 

THE  PAKTT  THAT  NEEDS  THE  "  CHANGE." 

You  cannot  rely  upon  that  party  for  an  honest  ballot. 
Every  law  that  has  been  passed  in  this  country,  in  the  last 
twenty  years,  to  throw  a  safeguard  around  the  ballot  box,  has 
been  passed  by  the  Republican  party.  (Applause.)  Every 
law  that  has  been  defeated  has  been  defeated  by  the  Demo 
cratic  party.  (Applause.)  And  you  know  it.  (Laughter.) 
Unless  we  have  an  honest  ballot  the  days  of  the  Republic  are 
numbered,  and  the  only  way  to  get  an  honest  ballot  is  to  beat 
the  Democratic  party  forever.  (Cheers.)  And  that  is  what 
we  are  going  to  do.  (Applause.)  That  party  can  never 
carry  its  record;  that  party  is  loaded  down  with  the  infamies 
of  twenty  years;  yes,  that  party  is  loaded  down  with  the 
infamies  of  fifty  years.  (Applause.)  It  will  never  elect  a 
President  in  this  world.  I  give  notice  to  the  Democratic 
party  to-day  that  it  has  got  to  change  its  name  before  the 
people  of  the  United  States  will  change  the  Administration- 
(Cheers.)  You  will  have  to  change  your  names  (applause); 
you  will  have  to  change  your  personnel ;  and  you  will  have  to 
get  enough  Republicans  to  join  you  and  tell  you  how  to  run 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  1 79 

a  campaign.  (Applause.)  If  you  want  an  honest  ballot — 
and  every  honest  man  does, — then  you  will  vote  to  keep  the 
Republican  party  in  power.  (Applause.)  "What  else  do  you 
want?  You  want  honest  money  (applause),  and  I  say  to 
the  merchants  and  to  the  bankers  and  to  the  brokers,  the 
only  party  that  will  give  you  honest  money  is  the  party 
that  resumed  specie  payments.  (Applause.)  The  only 
party  that  will  give  you  honest  money  is  the  party  that 
has  said  a  greenback  is  a  broken  promise  until  it  is  redeemed 
with  gold.  (Cheers.)  You  can  only  trust  the  party  that 
has  been  honest  in  disaster.  (Applause.)  From  1863  to 
1879 — sixteen  long  years — the  Republican  party  was  the 
party  of  honor  and  principle,  and  the  Republican  party 
saved  the  honor  of  the  United  States.  (Cheers.)  And  you 
know  it.  (Applause.)  During  that  time  the  Democratic 
party  did  what  it  could  to  destroy  our  credit  at  home  and 
abroad.  (Applause.)  We  are  not  only  in  favor  of  free 
speech  and  an  honest  ballot,  and  honest  money,  but  we  go 
in  for  law  and  order.  (Applause.)  What  partof  this  coun 
try  believes  in  free  speech — the  South  or  the  North?  (A 
voice,  "  The  North.")  The  South  would  never  give  free 
speech  to  the  country ;  there  was  no  free  speech  in  the  city 
of  New  York  until  the  Republican  party  got  into  power. 
(Applause.)  The  Democratic  party  has  not  intelligence  to 
know  that  free  speech  is  the  germ  of  this  Republic. 
(Applause.)  The  Democratic  party  cares  little  for  free 
speech  because  it  has  no  argument  to  make.  (Laughter.) 
No  reasons  to  offer.  (Applause.)  Its  entire  argument  is 
summed  up  and  ended  in  three  words,  "  Hurrah  for 
Hancock."  (Great  laughter.)  The  Republican  party  be 
lieves  in  free  speech  because  it  has  got  something  to  say; 
because  it  believes  in  argument;  because  it  believes  in  moral 
suasion;  because  it  believes  in  education.  (Great  applause.) 


i8c  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

Any  man  t'.at  does  not  believe  in  free  speech  is  a  bar 
barian.  (Applause.)  Any  State  that  does  not  support  it 
is  not  a  civilized  State. 

WHAT    KEPDBLICANISM   MEANS. 

I  have  a  right  to  express  my  opinions  and  the 
right  in  common  with  every  other  human  being,  and  I 
am  willing  to  give  to  every  other  human  being  the  right 
that  I  claim  for  myself.  (Applause.)  Republicanism  says 
that  out  upon  the  great  intellectual  sea  there  is  room  for  every 
sail;  Republicanism  says  that  in  the  intellectual  air  there 
is  room  enough  for  every  wing.  (Applause.)  Republicanism 
means  justice  in  politics.  Republicanism  means  progrese 
in  civilization.  (Applause.)  Republicanism  means  that 
every  man  shall  be  an  educated  patriot  and  a  gentleman 
(Applause.)  And  I  want  to  say  to  you  to-day  that  the  Re 
publican  party  is  the  best  that  ever  existed.  (Applause.) 
I  want  to  say  to  you  to-day  that  it  is  an  honor  to  belong 
to  it  (Applause.)  It  is  an  honor  to  have  belonged  to  it 
for  twenty  years;  it  is  an  honor  to  belong  to  the  party  that 
elected  Abraham  Lincoln  President.  (Great  applause.) 
And  let  me  say  to  you  that  Lincoln  was  the  greatest,  the 
best,  the  purest,  the  kindest  man  that  has  ever  sat  in  the 
Presidential  chair.  (Great  applause.)  It  is  an  honor  to 
belong  to  the  Republican  party  that  gave  4,000,000  of  men 
the  rights  of  freemen;  it  is  an  honor  to  belong  to  the  party 
that  broke  the  shackles  from  4,000,000  of  men,  women  and 
children.  (Great  applause.)  It  is  an  honor  to  belong  to 
the  party  that  declared  that  blood-hounds  were  not  the  mis 
sionaries  of  civilization.  (Applause.)  It  is  an  honor  to  be 
long  to  the  party  that  said  it  was  a  crime  to  steal  a  babe 
from  its  mother's  breast.  (Applause.)  It  is  an  honor  to 
belong  to  the  party  that  swore  that  this  is  a  Nation  for- 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  l8l 

ever,  one  and  indivisible.     (Great  applause.)  It  is  an  honor 

to  belong  to  the  party  that  elected  U.  S.  Grant  President 
of  the  United  States.  (Tremendous  cheers.)  It  is  an  honor 
to  belong  to  the  party  that  issued  thousands  and  thousands 
of  millions  of  dollars  in  promises — that  issued  promise? 
until  they  became  so  thick  as  the  withered  leaves  of  winter; 
an  honor  to  belong  to  the  party  that  issued  them  to  put 
down  a  rebellion;  an  honor  to  belong  to  the  party  that  put 
it  down ;  an  honor  to  belong  to  the  party  that  had  the  moral 
courage  and  honesty  to  make  every  one  of  the  promises 
made  in  war,  in  peace,  as  good  as  shining,  glittering  gold. 
(Great  applause.)  And  I  tell  you  that  if  there  is  another 
life,  and  if  there  is  a  day  of  judgment,  all  you  need 
say  upon  that  solemn  occasion  is,  "I  was  in  life,  and  in  my 
death,  a  good  square  Republican."  (Hoars  of  laughter  and 
great  applause.) 

THE  DOCTRINE  OP  STATE  EIGHTS. 

I  hate  the  doctrine  of  State  sovereignty  because  it  fos 
tered  State  pride;  because  it  fostered  the  idea  that  it  is  more 
to  be  a  citizen  of  a  State  than  a  citizen  of  this  glorious  coun 
try.  (Applause.)  I  love  the  whole  country.  I  like  New  York 
because  it  is  a  part  of  the  country;  and  I  like  the  country  be 
cause  it  has  got  New  York  in  it.  (Great  applause.)  I  am  not 
standing  here  to-day  because  the  flag  of  New  York  floats 
over  my  head,  but  because  that  flag  for  which  more  heroic 
blood  has  been  shed  than  for  any  other  flag  that  is  kissed 
by  the  air  of  heaven  waves  forever  over  my  head.  (Great 
applause.)  That  is  the  reason  I  am  here.  The  doctrine 
of  State  sovereignty  was  appealed  to  in  defense  of  the 
slave  trade;  the  next  time  in  defense  of  the  slave  trade  as 
between  the  States;  the  next  time  in  favor  of  the  Fugitive 
Slave  law;  and,  if  there  is  a  Democrat  in  favor  of  the 


1 82  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

Fugitive  Slave  law,  he  should  be  ashamed  (applause) — if 
not  of  himself — of  the  ignorance  of  the  time  in  which  he 
lived.  (Laughter.)  That  Fugitive  Slave  law  was  a  com 
promise,  so  that  we  might  be  friends  of  the  South.  They 
said  in  1850-'52:  "  If  you  catch  the  slave  we  will  be  your 
friend; "  and  they  tell  us  now:  "  If  you  let  us  trample  upon 
the  rights  of  the  black  man  in  the  South,  we  will  be  your 
friend."  I  don't  want  their  friendship  on  such  terms. 
(Applause.)  I  am  a  friend  of  my  friend  and  an  enemy  of 
my  enemy.  (Applause.)  That  is  my  doctrine.  We 
might  as  well  be  honest  about  it.  (Laughter.)  Under 
that  doctrine  of  State  rights,  such  men  as  I  see  before  me 
— bankers,  brokers,  merchants,  gentlemen — were  expected 
to  turn  themselves  into  hounds  and  chase  the  poor  fugitive 
that  had  been  lured  by  the  love  of  liberty  and  guided  by 
the  glittering  Northern  star.  (Great  applause.) 

The  Democratic  party  wanted  you  to  keep  your  trade 
with  the  South,  no  matter  to  what  depths  of  degradation 
you  had  to  sink,  and  the  Democratic  party  to-day  says,  if 
you  want  to  sell  your  goods  to  the  Southern  people,  you 
must  throw  your  honor  and  manhood  into  the  streets. 
(Applause.  Cries  of  "  No;  never.")  The  patronage  of  the 
splendid  North  is  enough  to  support  the  city  of  New  York. 
(Applause.) 

IN  FAVOR  OF  PROTECTION. 

There  is  another  thing.  Why  is  the  city  here  filled  with 
palaces  covered  with  wealth?  Because  American  labor  has 
been  protected.  (Great  applause.)  I  am  in  favor  of  protec 
tion  to  American  labor  everywhere.  (Applause.)  I  am  in 
favor  of  protecting  American  brain  and  muscle;  I  am  in 
favor  of  giving  scope  to  American  ingenuity  and  American 
skill.  (Great  cheers.)  We  want  a  market  at  home,  and 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  183 

the  only  way  to  have  it  is  to  have  mechanics  at  home,  and 
the  only  way  to  have  mechanics  is  to  have  protection;  and 
the  only  way  to  have  protection  is  to  vote  the  Republican 
ticket.  (Great  cheers.)  You  business  men  in  New  York 
know  that  General  Garfield  (tremendous  cheers,)  under 
stands  these  great — (A  voice,  "  Three  cheers  for  Gen.  Gar- 
field  ! "  These  were  given  with  vigor.)  I  was  going  to  say 
that  he  knows  what  the  tariff  means;  he  understands  the 
best  interests,  not  only  of  New  York,  but  the  entire  country. 
(Applause.)  And  you  want  to  stand  by  the  men  who  will 
stand  by  you.  What  does  a  simple  soldier  know  about  the 
wants  of  the  city  of  New  York?  What  does  he  know 
about  the  wants  of  this  great  and  splendid  country?  If  he 
does  not  know  more  about  them  than  he  knows  about  the 
tariff,  he  doesn't  know  much.  (Great  laughter.)  I  don't 
like  to  hit  the  dead.  (Renewed  laughter.)  My  hatred 
stops  with  the  grave,  and  we  are  going  to  bury  the  Demo 
cratic  party  next  Tuesday.  (Cheers.)  The  pulse  is  feeble 
now  (laughter,)  and  if  that  party  proposes  to  take  advantage 
of  the  last  hour,  it  is  time  that  it  goes  into  the  repenting 
business.  (Great  laughter.)  Nothing  pleases  me  better 
than  to  see  the  condition  of  that  party  to-day.  What  do 
the  Democrats  know  on  the  subject  of  the  tariff?  They  are 
frightened;  they  are  ratting.  (Great  laughter.)  They 
swear  their  plank  and  platform  meant  nothing.  They  say 
in  effect:  "When  we  put  that  in  we  lied;  and  now,  hav 
ing  made  that  confession,  we  hope  you  will  have  perfect 
confidence  in  us  from  this  out."  (Great  cheers  and  laughter.) 
Hancock  says  that  the  object  of  the  party  is,  to  get  the 
tariff  out  of  politics.  That  is  the  reason,  I  suppose,  why 
they  put  that  plank  in  the  platform.  (Laughter.)  I  pre 
sume  he  regards  the  tariff  as  a  little  local  issue,  but  I  tell 
you  to-day  that  the  great  question  of  protecting  Americar 


184  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

labor  never  will  be  taken  out  of  politics.  (Applause.)  As 
long  as  men  work,  as  long  as  the  laboring  man  has  a  wife 
and  family  to  support;  just  so  long  will  he  vote  for  the  man 
that  will  protect  his  wages.  ("  Good,  good,"  and  cheers.) 
And  you  can  no  more  take  it  out  of  politics  than  you  can 
take  the  question  of  Government  out  of  politics.  (Cheers.) 
I  don't  want  any  question  taken  out  of  politics.  (Applause.) 
I  want  the  people  to  settle  these  questions  for  themselves 
and  the  people  of  this  country  are  capable  of  doing  it. 
(Great  cheers.)  If  you  don't  believe  it,  read  the  returns 
from  Ohio  and  Indiana.  (Great  cheers.)  There  are  other 
persons  who  would  take  the  question  of  office  out  of 
politics.  (Great  laughter.)  Well,  when  we  get  the  tariff 
and  office  both  out  of  politics,  then,  I  presume,  we  will  see 
two  parties  on  the  same  side.  It  won't  do.  (Laughter.) 

David  A.  Wells  has  come  to  the  rescue  of  the  Democratic 
party  on  the  tariff,  and  shed  a  few  pathetic  tears  over  scrap 
iron.  But  it  won't  do.  (Laughter.)  You  can  not  run  this 
country  on  scraps.  (Laughter.)  We  believe  in  the  tariff  be 
cause  it  gives  skilled  labor  good  pay.  We  believe  in  the  tar 
iff  because  it  allows  the  laboring  man  to  have  something 
to  eat.  We  believe  in  the  tariff  because  it  keeps  the  hands 
of  the  producer  close  to  the  mouth  of  the  devourer.  (Ap 
plause.)  We  believe  in  the  tariff  because  it  developed  Amer 
ican  brain;  because  it  builds  up  our  towns  and  cities;  be 
cause  it  makes  Americans  self-supporting;  because  it  makes 
us  an  independent  Nation.  (Applause.)  And  we  believe 
in  the  tariff  because  the  Democratic  party  don't.  (Laughter.) 
That  plank  in  the  Democratic  party  was  intended  for  a  dag 
ger  to  assassinate  the  prosperity  of  the  North.  The  North 
ern  people  have  become  aroused,  and  that  is  the  plank  that 
is  broken  in  the  Democratic  platform;  and  that  plank  was 
wide  enough  when  it  broke  to  let  even  Hancock  through. 
(Laughter.) 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  185 

DESPERATE  EESOKTS  OF  THE  DEMOCRATS. 

Gentlemen,  they  are  gone.  ("  Honor  brightl ")  They 
are  gone — honor  bright.  (Laughter.)  Look  at  the  desper 
ate  means  that  have  been  resorted  to  by  the  Democratic 
party,  driven  to  the  madness  of  desperation.  .Not  satisfied 
with  having  worn  the  tongue  of  slander  to  the  very  tonsils, 
not  satisfied  with  attacking  the  private  reputation  of  a 
splendid  man — not  satisfied  with  that,  they  have  appealed 
to  a  crime;  a  deliberate  and  infamous  forgery  has  been  com 
mitted.  (Loud  applause — "  Hit  him  hard.")  That  forgery 
has  been  upheld  by  some  of  the  leaders  of  the  Democratic 
party;  that  forgery  has  been  defended  by  men  calling  them 
selves  respectable.  ("  Give  it  to  them.")  Leaders  of  the 
Democratic  party  have  stood  by  and  said  that  they  were 
acquainted  with  the  handwriting  of  James  A.  Garfield,  and 
that  the  handwriting  in  the  forged  letter  was  his,  when 
they  knew  that  it  was  absolutely  unlike  his.  They  knew 
it,  and  no  man  has  certified  that  it  was  the  writing  of  James 
A.  Garfield  who  did  not  know  that  in  his  throat  of  throats 
he  told  a  falsehood.  (Applause.) 

Every  honest  man  in  the  city  of  New  York  ought  to  leave 
such  a  party  if  he  belongs  to  it.  ("  Go  for  Hewitt.")  Ev 
ery  honest  man  (repeated  cries  of  "  Go  for  Hewitt.")  ought 
to  refuse  to  belong  to  the  party  that  did  such  an  infamous 
crime.  ("  Go  for  Hewitt")  What  is  the  use  of  going  for 
Hewitt  when  all  New  York  is  going  for  Hewitt?  (Laugh 
ter.)  And  there  is  no  man  in  this  city  going  for  Hewitt 
like  Hewitt  himself. 

Senator  Barnum,  Chairman  of  the  Democratic  Committee, 
has  lost  control.  He  is  gone,  and  I  will  tell  you  what  he 
puts  me  in  mind  of.  There  was  an  old  fellow  used  to  come 
into  town  every  Saturday  and  get  drunk.  Ho  had  a  little 


1 86  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

yoke  of  oxen,  and  the  boys,  out  of  pity,  used  to  throw  him 
into  the  wagon  and  start  the  oxen  for  home.  Just  before 
he  got  home  they  had  to  go  down  a  long  hill,  and  the 
oxen  when  they  got  to  the  brow  of  it,  commenced  to  run. 
Now  and  then  the  wagon  struck  a  stone  and  gave  the  fellow 
an  awful  jolt,  and  that  would  wake  him  up.  After  he  had 
looked  up  and  had  one  glance  at  the  cattle,  he  would  fall 
helplessly  back  to  the  bottom,  and  always  say,  "  Gee  a  lit 
tle,  if  anything."  (Laughter.)  And  that  is  the  only  order 
that  Barnurn  has  been  able  to  give  for  the  two  weeks — 
u  Gee  a  little,  if  anything."  (Laughter.)  I  tell  you  now 
that  forgery  makes  doubly  sure  the  election  of  James  A. 
Garfield.  (Applause.)  The  people  of  the  North  believe  in 
honest  dealing;  the  people  of  the  North  believe  in  free  speech 
and  in  an  honest  ballot.  (Applause.)  The  people  of  the  North 
believe  that  this  is  a  Nation;  the  people  of  the  North  hate 
treason;  the  people  of  the  North  hate  forgery  (tremendous 
cheering);  the  people  of  the  North  hate  slander.  The  peo 
ple  of  the  North  have  made  up  their  minds  to  give  to  Gen. 
Garfield  a  vindication  of  which  any  American  may  be  for 
ever  proud.  (Loud  applause.) 

GEN.  GAEFIELD'S  CAREER. 

I  will  tell  you  why  I  am  for  Garfield.  (Laughter.)  I 
know  him,  and  I  like  him.  ("Good  enough.")  No  man 
has  been  nominated  for  the  office  since  I  was  born,  by 
either  party,  who  had  more  brains  and  more  heart  than  James 
A.  Garfield.  (Loud  applause.)  He  was  a  soldier,  he  is  a 
statesman.  In  time  of  peace  he  preferred  the  avocations  of 
peace;  when  the  bugle  of  war  blew  in  his  ears  he  withdrew 
from  his  work  and  fought  foi  the  flag  (cheers),  and  then  he 
went  back  to  the  avocation  of  peace.  And  I  say  to-day 
that  a  man  who,  in  a  time  of  profound  peace,  makes  up  his 


«REAT  SPEECHES. 

mind  that  he  would  like  to  kill  folks  for  a  living  (laughter) 
is  no  better,  to  say  the  least  of  it,  than  the  man  who  loves 
peace  in  the  time  of  peace,  and  who,  when  his  country  is 
attacked,  rushes  to  the  rescue  of  her  flag.  (Loud  cheers.) 

James  A.  Garfield  is  to-day  a  poor  man,  and  you  know 
that  there  is  not  money  enough  in  this  magnificent  street 
to  bny  the  honor  and  manhood  of  James  A.  Garfield.  (En 
thusiastic  applause.)  Money  cannot  make  such  a  man? 
and  I  will  swear  to  you  that  money  cannot  buy  him.  (Re 
newed  applause.)  James  A.  Garfield  to-day  wears  the  glo 
rious  robe  of  honest  poverty.  He  is  a  poor  man,  but  I  like 
to  say  it  here  in  Wall  street;  1  like  to  say  it  surrounded  by 
the  millions  of  America;  I  like  to  say  it  in  the  midst  of 
banks,  and  bonds  and  stocks;  I  love  to  say  it  where  gold  is 
piled, — that,  although  a  poor  man,  he  is  rich  in  honor,  in 
integrity  he  is  wealthy,  and  in  brain  he  is  a  millionaire. 
(Loud  applause.)  I  know  him,  and  I  like  him.  ("  So  do 
we,"  and  renewed  applause.)  So  do  you  all,  gentlemen. 
Garfield  was  a  poor  boy;  he  is  a  certificate  of  the  splendid 
form  of  our  Government.  Most  of  these  magnificent  build 
ings  have  been  built  by  poor  boys;  ("That's  so.")  most 
of  the  success  of  New  York  began  almost  in  poverty  You 
know  it.  The  kings  of  this  street  were  once  poor,  and  they 
may  be  poor  again  (laughter);  and  if  they  ar.e  fools  enough 
to  vote  for  Hancock  they  ought  to  be.  (Loud  laughter  and 
cheers.)  Gartield  is  a  certificate  of  the  splendor  of  our  Gov 
ernment,  that  says  to  every  poor  boy:  "All  the  avenues 
of  honor  are  open  to  you."  I  know  him,  and  I  like  him. 
He  is  a  scholar;  he  is  a  statesman;  he  was  a  soldier;  he  is  a 
patriot;  and  above  all,  he  is  a  magnificent  man  (loud  cheers); 
and  if  every  man  in  New  York  knew  him  as  well  as  I  do, 
Garfield  would  not  lose  a  hundred  votes  in  this  city.  ("  We 
will  all  be  true  to  him,"  and  cheers.)  And  yet  this  is  the 


1 88  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

man  against  whom  the  Democratic  party  has  been  howling 
its  filth;  this  is  the  great  and  good  man  whom  the  Demo 
crats  have  slandered  from  the  day  of  his  nomination  until 
now;  this,  the  statesman,  the  soldier,  the  scholar,  the  patriot 
is  the  man  against  whom  the  Democratic  party  was  willing 
to  commit  the  crime  of  forgery. 

Compare  him  with  Hancock,  and  then  compare  Gen.  Ar 
thur  with  William  H.  English.  ("  Ohl "  "  Oh ! »  and  laugh 
ter.)  If  there  ever  was  a  pure  Republican  in  this  world, 
Gen.  Arthur  is  one.  (Cheers.)  Now,  gentlemen,  ("  Give 
us  something  about  English,") — there  is  no  use  my  talk 
ing  about  English.  I  have  made  up  my  mind  to  avoid  un 
pleasant  subjects.  (Laughter.) 

WHAT  WOULD  FOLLOW  HANCOCK'S  ELECTION. 

You  know  in  Wall  street  there  are  some  men  always 
prophesying  disaster;  there  are  some  men  always  selling 
"  short."  (Laughter.)  That  is  what  the  Democratic  party 
is  doing  to-day.  You  know  as  well  as  I  do  that  if  the 
Democratic  party  succeeds,  every  kind  of  property  in 
the  United  States  will  depreciate.  ("That's  so."  "True 
enough.")  You  know  it.  There  is  not  a  man  on  the  street 
who,  if  he  knew  Hancock  was  to  be  elected  would  not  sell 
the  stocks  and  bonds  of  every  railroad  in  the  United  States* 
"  short."  (Laughter.)  I  dare  any  broker  here  to  deny  it 
There  is  not  a  man  in  Wall  or  Broad  streets,  or  in  New 
York,  but  what  knows  the  election  of  Hancock  will  depreci 
ate  every  share  of  railroad  stock,  every  railroad  bond,  every 
Government  bond,  in  the  United  States  of  America.  And 
if  you  know  that,  I  say  it  is  a  crime  to  vote  for  Hancock 
and  English.  (Loud  cheers.) 

I  belong  to  a  party  that  is  prosperous  when  the  country 
is  prosperous.  That's  me.  (Laughter.)  I  belong  to  the 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  189 

party  that  believes  in  good  crops;  that  is  glad  when  a  fel 
low  finds  a  gold  mine;  that  rejoices  when  there  are  forty 
bushels  of  wheat  to  the  acre;  that  laughs  when  every  rail 
road  declares  dividends;  that  claps  both  of  its  hands  when 
every  investment  pays;  when  the  rain  falls  for  the  farmer, 
when  the  dew  lies  lovingly  upon  the  grass.  I  belong  to 
the  party  that  is  happy  when  the  people  are  happy;  when 
the  laboring  man  gets  $3  a  day;  when  he  has  roast  beef  on 
his  table  (laughter);  when  he  has  a  carpet  on  the  floor; 
when  he  has  a  picture  of  Garfield  on  the  wall.  (Laughter 
and  applause.)  I  belong  to  the  party  that  is  happy  when 
everybody  smiles;  when  we  have  plenty  of  money,  good 
horses  ("That's  you  "),  good  carriages;  when  our  wives  are 
happy  and  our  children  feel  glad.  (Loud  applause.)  I  be 
long  to  the  party  whose  banner  floats  side  by  side  with  the 
great  flag  of  the  country;  that  does  not  grow  fat  on  defeat. 
(Laughter.)  The  Democratic  party  is  a  party  of  famine; 
it  is  a  good  friend  of  an  early  frost  (laughter);  it  believes 
in  the  Colorado  beetle  and  in  the  weevil.  (Renewed  laugh 
ter.)  When  the  crops  are  bad  the  Democratic  mouth  opens 
from  ear  to  ear  with  smiles  of  joy;  it  is  in  partnership  with 
bad  luck;  a  friend  of  empty  pockets;  rags  help  it.  I  am 
on  the  other  side.  The  Democratic  party  is  the  party  of 
darkness.  I  belong  to  the  party  of  sunshine,  and  to  the 
party  that  even  in  darkness  believes  that  the  stars  are  shin 
ing  and  waiting  for  us.  (Applause.) 

WHY  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  SHOULD  BE  SUPPORTED. 

Now,  gentlemen,  I  have  endeavored  to  give  you  a  few 
reasons  for  voting  the  Republican  ticket;  and  I  have  given 
enough  to  satisfy  any  reasonable  man.  And  you  know  it. 
(Laughter.)  Don't  you  go  with  the  Democratic  party, 
young  man.  You  have  got  a  character  to  make.  You  can 


190  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

not  make  it,  as  the  Democratic  party  does,  by  passing  a  reso 
lution.  (Laughter.)  If  your  father  voted  the  Democratic 
ticket,  that  is  disgrace  enough  for  one  family.  (Roars  of 
laughter.)  Tell  the  old  man  that  you  can  stand  it  no 
longer.  Tell  the  old  gent  that  you  have  made  up  your 
mind  to  stand  with  the  party  of  human  progress;  and  if  he 
asks  you  why  you  cannot  vote  the  Democratic  ticket,  yoi\ 
tell  him:  "Every  man  that  tried  to  destroy  the  Govern 
ment,  every  man  that  shot  at  the  holy  flag  in  heaven,  every 
man  that  starved  our  soldiers,  every  keeper  of  Libby,  An- 
dersonville  and  Salisbury,  every  man  that  wanted  to  burn 
the  negro,  every  one  that  wanted  to  scatter  yellow  fever  in 
the  North,  every  man  that  opposed  human  liberty,  that  re 
garded  the  auction -block  as  an  altar  and  the  howling  of  the 
bloodhound  as  the  music  of  the  Union,  every  man  who 
wept  over  the  corpse  of  slavery,  that  thought  lashes  on  the 
naked  back  were  a  legal-tender  for  labor  performed,  every 
one  willing  to  rob  a  mother  of  her  child — every  solitary  one 
was  a  Democrat."  (Applause.) 

Tell  him  you  can  not  stand  that  party.  Tell  him  you 
have  to  go  with  the  Republican  party,  and  if.  he  asks  you 
why,  tell  him  it  destroyed  slavery;  it  preserved  the  Union; 
it  paid  the  National  debt;  it  made  our  credit  as  good  as  that 
of  any  nation  on  the  earth.  ("Better,"  and  applause.)  Tell 
him  it  makes  a  four  per  cent,  bond  worth  $1.10;  that  it 
satisfies  the  demands  of  the  highest  civilization;  that  it  made 
it  possible  for  every  greenback  to  hold  up  its  hand  and 
swear,  "  I  know  that  my  redeemer  liveth."  (Laughter 
and  applause.)  Tell  the  old  man  that  the  Republican  party 
preserved  the  honor  of  the  Nation ;  that  it  believes  in  edu 
cation;  that  >t  looks  upon  the  school  house  as  a  cathedral. 
(Applause.)  Tell  him  that  the  Republican  party  believes 
in  absolute  intellectual  liberty,  in  absolute  religious  free- 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  IQI 

dom,  in  human  rights,  and  that  human  rights  rise  above 
States.  Tell  him  that  the  Republican  party  believes  in 
humanity,  justice,  human  equality,  and  that  the  Republican 
party  believes  this  a  Nation  for  ever  and  ever  (applause); 
that  an  honest  ballot  is  the  breath  of  the  Republic's  life 
("Good,  good  ");  that  honest  money  is  the  blood  ol  the  Re 
public,  and  that  Nationality  is  the  great  throbbing  beat  of 
the  heart  of  the  Republic.  (Great  cheers.)  Tell  him  that; 
and  tell  him  that  you  are  going  to  stand  by  the  flag  that 
the  patriots  North  carried  upon  the  battle-field  of  death. 
(Cheers.)  Tell  him  that  you  are  going  to  be  true  to  the 
martyred  dead;  that  you  are  going  to  vote  exactly  as  Lin 
coln  would  have  voted  were  he  living.  ("  Good !  "  "  Good ! " 
and  cheers.)  Tell  him  that  every  traitor  dead,  were  he  liv 
ing  now,  there  would  issue  from  his  lips  of  dust,  "  Hurrah 
for  Hancock"  (laughter);  that  could  every  patriot  rise  be 
would  cry  for  Garfield  and  liberty  (cheers),  for  union  and 
for  human  progress  everywhere.  (Great  cheers.)  Tell  him 
that  the  South  seeks  to  secure  by  the  ballot  what  it  lost  by 
the  bayonet  ("No,  no,  never");  to  whip  by  the  ballot  those 
who  fought  it  in  the  field.  But  we  saved  the  country,  and 
we  have  got  the  heart  and  brains  to  take  care  of  it. 
(Cheers.)  I  will  tell  you  what  we  are  going  to  do.  We 
are  going  to  treat  them  in  the  South  just  as  well  as  we 
treat  the  people  in  the  North.  (Great  cheers.)  Victors 
cannot  afford  to  have  malice.  (Cheers.)  The  North  is  too 
magnanimous  to  have  hatred.  (Cheers.)  We  will  treat 
the  South  precisely  as  we  treat  the  North.  (Applause.) 
There  are  thousands  of  good  people  there.  ("Good!'' 
"  Good! "  and  cheers.)  Let  us  give  them  money  to  improve 
their  rivers  and  harbors;  I  want  to  see  the  sails  of  their 
commerce  filled  with  the  breeze  of  prosperity  (cheers);  their 
fences  rebuilt  (applause);  their  houses  painted.  ("Goodl  " 


192 


COL.   INGERSOLLS 


Good! ")  I  want  to  see  their  towns  prosperous;  I  want  to 
see  sehoolhouses  in  every  town  ("Good!"  "Good!  "and 
cheers);  I  want  to  see  books  in  the  hands  of  every  child, 
and  papers  and  magazines  in  every  house  (chee:s);  I  want 
to  see  all  the  rays  of  light  of  the  civilization  of  the  nine 
teenth  century  enter  every  home  of  the  South  (cheers);  and 
in  a  little  while  you  will  see  that  country  full  of  good  He- 
publicans.  (Roars  of  laughter.)  "We  can  afford  to  be  kind; 
we  cannot  afford  to  be  unkind.  (Cheers.)  I  will  shake 
hands  cordially  with  every  believer  in  human  liberty;  I 
will  shake  hands  with  every  believer  in  Nationality.  (Ap 
plause.)  I  will  shake  hands  with  every  man  who  is  a 
friend  of  the  human  race.  (Cheers.)  That  is  my  doctrine. 
I  believe  in  the  great  Republic,  in  this  magnificent  country 
of  ours.  (Cheers.)  I  believe  in  the  great  people  of  the 
United  States.  (Cheers.)  I  believe  in  the  muscle  and 
brain  of  America,  in  the  prairies  and  forests.  I  believe  in 
New  York.  (Cheers.)  I  believe  in  the  brain  of  3rour  city. 
I  believe  that  you  know  enough  to  vote  the  Republican 
ticket.  (Great  applause.)  I  b  >iieve  that  you  are  grand 
enough  to  stand  by  the  country  that  has  stood  by  you 
(Cheers.)  But  whatever  you  do,  I  shall  never  cease  to 
thank  you  for  the  great  honor  you  have  conferred  upon  me 
this  day.  (Great  and  long-continued  cheering.) 


SUNSET. 


194  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 


Speech  in   Cooper  Institute,  New  York,   Sept    11, 

1876. 

.    (Chicago  Evening  Journal.') 

LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN : — I  am  just  on  my  way  home 
from  the  gallant  State  of  Maine,  and  there  has  followed  me 
a  telegraphic  dispatch  which  I  will  read  to  you.  If  it  was 
not  good  you  may  swear  I  would  not  read  it.  "  Every 
Congressional  district,  every  county  in  Maine,  Republican 
by  a  large  majority.  (Cheers  and  cries  of  "That  is  reform!") 
The  victory  is  overwhelming,  and  the  majority  will,  1 
think,  exceed  15,000." 

That  dispatch  i  -  signed  by  that  knight-errant  of  political 
chivalry,  James  G.  Elaine. 

THE  TWO    PARTIE^    COMPARED. 

My  friends,  two  political  parties  are  asking  the  votes  of 
the  people;  the  one  wishes  to  retain  power  that  it  has  held 
for  sixteen  years,  the  other  wisiies  office.  The  Democratic 
party,  with  the  hungry,  starving  eyes  of  a  wolf,  has  been 
looking  in  at  the  National  Capitol  and  scratching  at  the 
doors  of  the  White  House  for  sixteen  years.  Occasionally 
it  has  retired  to  some  congenial  eminence  and  lugubriously 
howled  about  the  constitution.  The  Republican  party 
comes  to  you  with  its  record  open,  and  asks  every  man. 
woman  and  child  in  this  broad  country  to  read  its  every 
word;  and  1  say  to  you,  there  is  not  a  line,  a  paragraph,  or 
a  page  in  that  record  that  is  not  only  an  honor  to  the  Re 
publican  party,  but  to  the  human  race.  On  every  page  of 
that  record  is  recorded  some  great  and  glorious  action,  done 
either  for  the  liberty  of  man  or  the  preservation  of  our  com 
mon  country.  We  ask  everybody  to  read  its  every  word. 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  195 

The  Democratic  party  comes  before  you  with  its  record 
closed,  a  record  of  blot  and  blur,  and  stain  and  treason, 
and  slander  and  malignity,  and  asks  you  not  to  read  a  soli 
tary  word  of  what  it  has  done,  but  be  kind  enough  to  take 
its  infamous  promise  for  what  it  will  do.  Allow  me  to  say 
here  that  character — good  character,  rests  upon  a  record 
and  not  upon  a  prospectus.  A  man  has  a  good  or  a  bad 
character,  by  what  he  has  really  done,  by  what  he  has  really 
accomplished,  and  not  by  what  he  promises  to  do.  If 
promises  would  make  a  good  reputation,  Samuel  J.  Tilden 
and  the  Democratic  party  would  have  one  in  twenty-four 
hours.  I  propose  to  tell  you  this  evening,  my  friends,  a 
little  of  the  history  of  the  Republican  party,  a  little  of  the 
history  of  the  Democratic  party,  and  first  the  Republican 
party. 

THE    AMERICAN    REPUBLIC. 

The  United  States  of  America  is  a  free  country;  it  is 
the  only  free  country  on  this  earth;  it  is  the  only  republic 
that  was  ever  established  among  men.  We  have  read — 
we  have  heard  of  the  Republic  of  Greece,  of  Egypt,  and  of 
Venice.  We  have  heard  of  the  free  cities  of  Europe. 
There  never  was  a  republic  in  Venice,  there  never  was  a 
republic  in  Rome,  there  never  was  a  republic  in  Athens, 
there  never  was  a  free  city  in  Europe,  there  never  was  a 
government  not  cursed  with  caste,  there  never  was  a  govern 
ment  not  cursed  with  slavery,  there  never  was  a  government 
not  cursed  with  almost  every  infamy  until  the  Republican 
party  of  the  United  States  made  this  a  free  Nation.  I  want 
no  grander,  no  higher  title  or  nobility  than  this,  that  I  belong 
to  the  Republican  party,  and  did  a  little  towards  making 
the  Republican  party  a  fact.  In  order  for  you  to  ascertain 
what  the  Republican  party  did  for  us — for  us — (I  mean  to 


196  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

refresh  ourselves,  for  we  all  know  it,  but  it  is  well  enough 
to  say  it  now  and  then  in  order  to  refresh  ourselves,)  in  or 
der  to  understand  what  this  great  party  has  accomplished, 
let  us  for  a  moment  consider  the  state  of  the  country  when 
the  Republican  party  was  born.  When  the  Republican 
party  was  born  there  was  on  the  statute  book  of  the  United 
States  of  America  a  law  known  as  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law 
of  1850,  under  the  provisions  of  which  every  man  in  the 
State  of  New  York  was  made  by  law  a  bloodhound,  and 
could  be  set,  could  be  hissed,  upon  a  negro  who  was  sim 
ply  attempting  to  attain  his  birthright  of  freedom,  the  same 
as  you  would  hiss  a  dog  upon  a  wild  beast.  That  was  the 
Fugitive  Slave  Law  of  1850.  It  made  every  man,  every 
Northern  man,  a  dog;  it  put  round  his  neck  a  collar,  and 
they  did  not  have  the  decency  to  put  a  man's  name  on  the 
collar,  but  they  put  the  name  of  his  master.  I  have  said  it 
in  the  State  of  Maine  several  times,  and  I  expect  to  say  it 
several  times  again,  although  I  heard  I  outraged  the  relig 
ious  sentiment  of  the  Democratic  party  and  shocked  the 
piety  of  that  organization  by  say  ing  it.  I  did  say  there, 
and  now  I  Bay  here: — 

THE   FUGITIVE  LAW   OP   1850 

would  have  disgraced  hell  in  her  palmiest  days.  At  the  same 
time  in  nearly  all  of  the  Western  States  there  was  a  law  by 
virtue  of  which  hospitality  became  an  indictable  offense. 
There  was  a  law  by  virtue  of  which  charity  became  a  crime, 
and  a  man,  simply  for  an  act  of  kindness  exercised,  could 
be  indicted,  imprisoned,  and  fined.  It  was  the  law  of  Illi 
nois,  of  my  State,  that  if  I  gave  a  drop  of  cold  water,  or  a 
crust  of  bread,  to  a  poor  fugitive  from  slavery,  I  could  be  in 
dicted,  fined  and  imprisoned.  Under  the  infamous  Slave  Law 
of  1850,  under  the  infamous  Black  laws  of  the  Western  States 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  197 

when  the  Republican  party  was  born,  if  a  woman,  ninety- 
nine  one  hundred  the  white,  had  escaped  from  slavery  carry 
ing  her  child  in  her  arms,  had  gone  through  wilderness  and 
tangle  and  swamp  and  river,  and  finally  got  within  one 
foot  of  free  soil,  with  the  light  of  the  North  star  beckoning 
her  to  freedom,  it  would  hav-e  been  an  indictable  offense  to 
have  given  her  a  drop  of  water  and  a  crust  of  bread.  And 
under  the  Fugitive  Slave  law  it  would  have  been  the  duty 
of  a  Northern  citizen  claiming  to  be  a  freeman,  to  clutch 
that  woman  and  hand  her  back  to  the  dominion  of  the 
hound,  the  Democrat,  and  the  lash.  What  more?  The  in 
stitution  of  slavery  had  polluted  and  corrupted  the  church 
not  only  in  the  South,  but  a  large  proportion  of  the  church 
in  the  North,  so  that  ministers  stood  up  in  their  pulpits 
here  and  in  New  England,  and  defended  the  very  laws  that 
I  have  mentioned.  Not  only  so,  but  the  Presbyterian 
Church  South,  in  1863,  met  in  General  Synod  and  passed 
three  resolutions,  two  of  which  were:  "  fiesolved,  That 
slavery  is  a  divine  institution;  Resolved,  That  God  raised 
up  the  Presbyterian  Church  South  to  protect  and  perpetuate 
that  institution."  All  I  have  to  say  is,  that  if  God  did  it,  He 
never  chose  a  more  infamous  instrument  to  carry  out  a 
more  diabolical  object.  What  more  had  slavery  done?  It 
had  corrupted  our  courts  so  that,  in  nearly  every  State  of 
the  Union,  if  a  Democrat  had  gone  to  the  hut  of  a  poor 
negro,  and  shot  down  his  wife  and  children  before  his  very 
eyes,  and  strangled  the  babe  in  the  cradle,  his  testimony  was 
valueless,  and  he  was  not  allowed  to  appear  before  the 
Grand  Jury  and  prosecute  the  wretch.  Justice  to  him  was 
not  only  blind,  but  was  deaf,  and  that  was  the  idea  of  justice 
in  the  United  States  when  the  Republican  party  was  born. 
When  that  party  wag  boro 


198  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

THE   BAT   OP  THE   BLOODHOTTND 

was  the  music  of  the  Nation.  The  dome  of  the  Capitol  at 
"Washington  cast  its  shadow  upon  slave  pens  in  which  crouched 
and  shuddered  mothers  from  whose  breasts  babes  had  been 
torn  by  wretches  who  are  now  for  honesty  and  reform. 
Then,  if  a  poor  negro  had  tilled  a  farm  and  watered  it  with 
the  sweat  of  honest  labor,  and  if  a  Democrat  came  along 
and  seized  upon  the  results  of  his  labor,  the  courts  of 
the  United  States  did  not  know  to  whom  that  corn  be 
longed.  And  when  that  question  came  to  be  tried,  the 
learned  judges  read  all  the  books  and  the  platforms  of  the 
Democratic  party,  and  pushed  their  spectacles  back  on  their 
noble  and  expansive  foreheads,  and  came  to  the  conclusion 
that  the  Democrats  owned  that  corn.  At  the  time  the  Re 
publican  party  came  into  existence,  slavery  was  not  satis 
fied  with  being  local,  but  endeavored  to  use  its  infamous 
leprosy,  as  it  were,  for  pushing  it  into  every  Territory  of 
the  United  States.  Recollect  the  condition  of  the  country 
at  that  time.  Boats  went  down  the  Missouri  river  loaded 
with  wives  torn  from  their  husbands,  with  children  torn 
from  the  breasts  of  their  mothers,  while  the  same  men  who 
did  this  are  now  shouting  for  Tilden  and  reform.  -At  that 
time  we  were  a  nation  of  hypocrites.  We  pretended  to 
be  a  free  Government  It  was  a  lie.  We  pretended  to 
have  a  free  constitution.  It  was  a  lie.  We  pretended  to 
have  justice  in  our  courts.  It  was  a  lie.  Above  all  our 
pretenses,  and  above  all  our  hypocrisies,  rose  the  crime  of 
slavery  like  Chimborazo  above  the  clouds.  The  Repub 
lican  party  came  into  existence  in  I860,  when  it  elected 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  199 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN, 

the  greatest  man  that  was  ever  President  of  the  United 
States.  As  soon  as  he  was  elected  the  South  said:  "  "We 
will  not  stay  in  the  Union."  The  South  said:  "You  have 
no  right  to  elect  a  man  opposed  to  the  extension  of  human 
slavery,"  and  James  Buchanan  said  that  they  had  a  right  to 
go  out  of  the  Union,  and  there  was  another  little  man  who 
said,  "  I  saj  so,  too,"  and  his  name  was  Samuel  J.  Tilden. 
He  read  the  constitution  of  the  United  States  and  several 
Democratic  platforms,  and  decided  that  the  Government 
had  no  right  to  do  anything  except  to  defend  slavery. 
Recollect  that  James  Buchanan  was  an  old  bachelor  not 
only,  but  a  Democrat.  Recollect  that,  and  say  to  your 
selves,  "  Why  should  we  ever  trust  a  man  or  elect  him 
President  of  the  United  States,  who  prefers  the  embraces 
of  the  Democratic  party  to  the  salvation  of  the  country?" 
Now,  in  view  of  this  fact,  I  want  every  man  to  swear  that 
he  will  never  vote  for  an  old  bachelor  again.  The  Demo 
crat  claimed  that  this  was  not  a  nation.  It  was  simply  a 
confederacy,  and  that  the  old  banner  of  the  stars  represented 
a  contract  commencing  with,  "Know  all  men  by  these 
presents,  that  this  don't  represent  a  great  and  glorious  and 
sublime  people,  but  it  represents  a  confederacy."  That  was 
the  doctrine  of  the  Democratic  party  South.  It  was  the 
doctrine  of  the  Democratic  party  North.  It  is  still  the 
doctrine  of  the  Democratic  party  North  and  South.  The 
Democratic  party  in  the  South  collected  themselves  together 
for  the  purpose  of  breaking  up  this  Union.  The  Repub 
lican  party  said  to  them,  "  You  try  and  break  up  this  Union 
and  we  will  break  your  necks,"  and  they  did  it  The  Re 
publican  party  came  into  power  on  the  heels  of  the  Bu 
chanan  administration.  The  treasury  was  empty  of  coin  a§ 


2<x>  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

the  Democratic  party  was  of  patriotism  and  honor.     We 
had  to  borrow  money  of  whom  we  could.     "VTe  had  to  issue 

BONDS    AKD   GREE>~BACKS. 

What  for!  Why,  to  buy  shot  and  shell  and  muskets  to 
shoot  enough  Demo-rats  to  save  the  Union.  There  was  a 
division  then  forced  upon  the  people  of  the  country,  not 
into  Democrats  and  Republicans,  but  into  patriots  and 
traitors;  and  thousands  and  thousands  went  out  of  the 
Democratic  party  to  aid  the  Government  to  put  down  the 
rebellion.  But  every  one  who  thus  went  into  the  service  of 
the  country,  was  then  known  as  a  Republican,  and  those 
who  were  against  the  Government  were  known  as  Demo 
crats.  These  Democrats  went  into  the  markets  of  the 
world,  and  they  maligned  and  they  slandered  these  efforts 
to  raise  money  to  sustain  the  Government  in  its  time  of 
trial.  They  said,  "Your  bonds  can  never  be  paid,  and  your 
greenbacks  are  unconstitutional;"  and  to  such  an  extent 
did  they  so  slander  and  malign  and  calumniate  the  Gov 
ernment  that  at  one  time  gold  was  290,  which  meant  that 
a  greenback  was  34  cents  on  the  dollar.  Where  were 
the  other  66  cents?  They  were  slandered  and  calumniated 
out  by  the  Democratic  party  of  the  North,  and  every  time 
you  workingmen  blister  your  hands  to  pay  a  debt,  take  off 
the  blister  and  under  it  yon  will  find  a  Democratic  lie. 

The  Republican  party  has  done  nothing  for  sixteen  years 
that  it  has  not  been  proud  oi  The  Democratic  party  has 
done  nothing  for  sixteen  years  that  it  is  not  ashamed  o£ 
Phe  Republican  has  not  done  one  thing  that  was  not  for 
the  public  interests  of  the  government  for  sixteen  ve&rs. 

The  history  of  the  Democratic  party  i* 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  JOI 

AS  EPITAPH. 

The  Democratic  party  to-day  is  searching  around  in  the  old 
political  cemetery  of  the  by-gone  ages  for  a  standard-bear 
er.  They  have  raised  np  in  Massachusetts  that  old  ceme 
tery  reminiscence,  Charles  Francis  Adams,  who  had  his 
henchmen  at  Cincinnati,  hoping  that  he  would  get  the  nom 
ination  from  the  Republican  party  there,  and  who  was 
equally  willing  to  take  it  at  St.  Louis,  and  who  was  also 
willing  to  be  the  Republican  nominee  in  Massachusetts,  but 
finally  the  Democratic  party,  wishing  for  some  evidence  of 
respectability,  and  knowing  that  no  live  man  would  lend  his 
name  to  them  for  a  moment,  have  groped  in  this  old  ceme 
tery  and  have  fished  out  Mr.  Adams.  The  law  against  vio 
lating  the  sacredness  of  the  tomb  ought  to  be  enforced. 
The  Democratic  party  was  not  willing  that  this  conn, 
try  should  be  saved  unless  slavery  should  be  saved  with 
it  There  was  never  a  Democrat  North  or  South — and 
by  that  I  mean  those  who  were  opposed  to  the  Union — 
who  did  not  think  more  of  the  existence  of  slavery  than  of 
the  government  of  the  United  States.  They  made  a  breast 
work  of  the  constitution  for  rebels  to  get  behind  and  shoot 
loyal  men.  The  next  thing  they  did  was  to  discourage  en 
listments  in  the  North.  They  did  all  in  their  power  to  pre 
vent  men  from  going  into  the  army,  and  that  great  states 
man,  Samuel  J.  Tilden,  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that  the 
South  could  sue  and  that  every  soldier  that  put  his  foot  on 
the  sacred  soil  of  the  South  would  be  a  trespasser,  and 
could  be  sued  before  a  Justice  of  the  Peace.  They  de 
nounced  the  war  as  an  Abolition  war  in  their  conventions, 
and  they  denounced  Abraham  Lincoln  as  a  tyrant.  Of  all 
the  men  on  earth  who  had  been  clothed  with  almost  abso 
lute  power,  Abraham  Lincoln  was  one,  and  I  know  of  no 


2O2  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

other  man  living  or  in  history,  who  used  that  power  without 
abusing  it  except  on  the  side  of  mercy.  They  said  to  the 
rebels,  "  Hold  on;  hold  hard;  fight  on  until  we  get  political 
possession  of  the  North,  and  then  you  can  go  in  peace." 

There  was  a  man  by  the  name  of  Jacob  Thompson,  a 
very  nice  man  and  a  good  Democrat.  This  man  had  the 
misfortune  to  be  a  very  vigorous  Democrat,  and  I  mean  by 
that  that  during  the  war  a  Democrat  who  had  a  musket  was 
a  rebel,  and  a  rebel  that  did  not  have  a  musket  was  a  Dem 
ocrat.  I  call  Mr.  Thompson  a  vigorous  Democrat,  because 
he  did  have  a  musket.  He  was  sent  by  the  rebel  Govern 
ment  as  their  agent  to  Canada.  When  he  went  there  he 
took  with  him  between  seven  and  eight  thousand  dollars 
in  money  for  the  purpose  of  assisting  the  Northern  Dem 
ocracy.  He  got  himself  acquainted  with  the  Democratic 
party  in  Ohio,  Indiana  and  Illinois.  The  vigorous  Demo 
crats  or  real  Democrats  of  those  cities  had  organized  them 
selves  under  the  heads  of 

"SONS   OP   LIBERTY," 

"  Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle,"  "  Order  of  the  Star,"  and 
various  other  names.  They  held  meetings  in  Chicago,  In 
dianapolis  and  St.  Louis,  their  object  being  to  raise  fires  in 
those  places;  in  other  words,  to  burn  down  the  homes  of 
Union  soldiers  while  they  were  in  the  field  fighting  for  the 
preservation  of  the  country.  This  was  their  object,  and 
they  immediately  put  themselves  in  communication  with 
Jacob  Thompson.  On  the  6th  of  August,  1864,  they  held 
a  meeting  in  Peoria,  and  there  were  Democrats  there  from 
every  part  of  the  State.  In  that  meeting  a  letter  was  read, 
received  from  the  Hon.  Fernando  Wood,  of  New  York,  of 
whom  I  think  you  have  heard,in  which  he  said  that,although 
not  present  in  the  body,  he  was  there  in  spirit  George  Pen- 


GREAT  SPEECHES. 

dleton,  George  E.  Pugh,  and  other  prominent  gentlemen, 
sent  their  apologies  and  regrets.  I  was  at  that  meeting  and 
read  some  of  the  apologies.  They  denounced  the  war  as  an 
Abolition  war;  they  denounced  Americans  as  tyrants.  They 
said,  "  Rouse  brothers  and  hurl  the  tyrant  Lincoln  from  his 
throne."  The  men  who  made  speeches  at  that  meeting  are 
now  running  for  the  most  important  political  offices  in  Illi 
nois  to-day  on  the  ticket  of  "  Honesty  and  Reform."  Jacob 
Thompson  wrote  home  and  we  found  his  letter  in  the  rebel 
archives,  and  he  describes  the  meeting  and  says  that  he  fur 
nished  the  money  to  pay  the  expenses  of  that  Democatic 
meeting.  The  expenses  of  that  meeting  were  paid  by  rebel 
gold  by  Jacob  Thompson,  and  he  has  got  filed  a  voucher  or 
receipt  from  these  Democrats,  who  are  now  in  favor  of  Til- 
den  and  Hendricks.  They  held  their  next  meeting  in 
Springfield,  the  next  in  Indianapolis,  all  the  expenses  of 
which  were  paid  by  this  rebel  agent.  They  went  further 
and  shipped  to  these  towns  arms  for  these  rebels  in  boxes 
marked  Sunday-School  books.  I  said  the  expenses  of  these 
Democratic  meetings  were  paid  for  by  rebel  money,  and 
their  object  was  to  burn  the  homes  of  soldiers  while  they 
were  battling  for  the  equality  of  human  lives.  This  rebel 
agent  hired  another  rebel  agent  by  the  name  of  Churchill. 
He  tried  to  burn  Cincinnati  and  is  now  a  good  Democrat. 
At  Indianapolis  a  man  by  the  name  of  Dodge  was  made  a 
leader  of  their  party,  and  he  became  so  sound  that  they  were 
obliged  to  put  him  in  Fort  La  Fayette. 

The  Democrats  then  met  in  Chicago  and  among  other 
things  declared  the 

WAR   TO  BE  A  FAILURE. 

There  never  was,  friends,  a  more  infamous  lie  told  on  the 
face  of  this  earth.  It  was  only  a  few  days  afterward  that 
the  gnns  of  Farragut  and  the  achievements  of  the  men  in 


204  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

the  field  said  they  lied.  Soldiers  who  fell  in  support  of  this 
country,  rise  from  your  graves  and  lift  your  skeleton  hands 
on  high,  and  swear  that  when  the  Democratic  party  uttered 
these  words  they  lied. 

We  then  grew  magnanimous  and  let  Dodge  out  of  Fort 
La  Fayette.  Where  do  you  suppose  Dodge  is  now?  He  is 
in  Wisconsin.  What  do  you  suppose  he  is  doing?  Making 
speeches.  Who  for  and  what  for?  Tilden,  Hendricks,  hon 
esty  and  reform.  This  same  Jacob  Thompson  whom  the 
Democratic  party  shielded — this  same  man  hired  men  to- 
burn  down  the  city  of  New  York.  Right  in  this  great  and 
splendid  city  of  New  York,  that  sits  so  like  a  queen  on  the 
Atlantic,  men  rose  up  in  mobs  to  burn  down  asylums  sim 
ply  because  their  walls  sheltered  the  offspring  of  another 
race.  Every  one  who  raised  his  hand  against  these  institu. 
tions  should  have  had  his  brains  crushed  to  atoms.  It  was 
a  disgrace  to  humanity  itself.  Every  man  that  was  in  that 
mob  is  to-night  for  Tilden,  honesty  and  reform. 

Recollect,  my  friends,  that  it  was  the  Democratic  party 
that  did  these  devilish  things  when  the  great  heart  of  the 
North  was  filled  with  agony  and  grief.  Recollect  that  they 
did  these  things  when  the  future  of  your  country  and  mine 
was  trembling  in  the  balance  of  war;  recollect  that  they  did 
these  things  when  the  question  was  liberty,  or  slavery  and 
perish;  recollect  that  they  did  these  things  when  your 
brothers,  husbands  and  dear  ones  were  bleeding  or  dying  on 
the  battle-fields  of  the  South,  lying  there  alone  afnight,  the 
blood  slowly  oozing  through  the  wounds  of  death;  when 
your  brothers,  husbands  and  sons  were  lying  in  the  hospi 
tals  dreaming  of  home  pictures  they  loved.  Recollect  that 
the  Democracy  did  these  things  when  those  dear  to  you 
were  in  the  prison  pens,  with  no  covering  by  night  except 
the  sky,  with  no  food  but  what  the  worms  refused,  with  no 
friends  except  insanity  and  death. 


GREAT  SPEECHES. 


THE    REPUBLICAN  PLATFOBM. 

Now,  my  friends,  I  have  said  a  few  things  to  yon  abont 
the  Republican  party,  and  a  few  things  abont  the  Demo 
cratic  party.  With  a  few  more  words  I  will  quit  thif 
branch  of  the  subject.  Allow  me  to  say  that  the  platform  of 
the  Republican  party  is  as  broad  as  humanity  itself.  Il 
ask  all  to  come  and  help  and  to  join  it  who  are  in  favor  of 
human  advancement.  It  is  broad  enough  for  Catholic,  foi 
Old  School  Presbyterians,  for  Methodists  and  for  infidels, 
provided  they  are  in  favor  of  the  eternal  equality  of  human 
rights;  and  the  Republican  party  in  its  magnanimity  goes 
even  further;  it  is  willing  that  the  Democrat  should  vote 
its  ticket.  Beyond  that,  magnanimity  cannot  go. 

The  Republicans  believe  in  giving  to  every  man  the  re 
sult  of  the  labor  of  his  own  hands;  will  allow  every  man  to 
do  his  own  thinking  and  express  his  own  thoughts,  what 
ever  they  may  be.  In  the  Republican  way  there  is  room 
for  every  one. 

Now  then,  my  friends,  the  first  question  which  is  upon 
us  is  about 

PAYING  THAT  DEBT 

which  we  contracted  for  powder  with  which  to  shoot  these 
Democrats,  and  the  next  is  about  protecting  the  citizens  of 
this  country,  both  white  and  black.  "We  owe  a  large  debt, 
two  thirds  of  it,  as  I  tell  you,  caused  by  the  action  and 
measures  of  the  Democratic  party.  Recollect  that  always. 
There  are  some  people  who  have  an  idea  that  we  can  defer 
the  fulfillment  of  a  promise  so  long  that  it  will  amount  to  a 
fulfillment.  There  are  some  people  who  have  an  idea  that 
the  Government  can  make  money  by  stamping  its  sov 
ereignty  upon  a  piece  of  paper.  The  Government  of  the 
United  States  is  a  perpetual  pauper.  It  passes  the  hat  all 


206  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

the  time,  and  it  has  a  musket  behind  the  hat.  But  at  the 
same  time  it  produces  nothing  itself.  The  Government 
don't'plow  the  land;  the  Government  don't  make  the  bricks; 
the  Government  don't  chop  down  the  trees  and  saw  them 
into  lumber.  The  Government  is  a  perpetual  pauper,  and 
the  Government  cannot  support  the  people,  but  the  people 
have  to  support  the  Government.  The  idea  that  the  Gov 
ernment  can  issue  money  for  the  people  to  live  upon  is  the 
same  as  the  idea  that  my  hired  man  can  issue  certificates  of 
my  indebtedness  to  him  for  me  to  live  on. 

The  United  States  got  broke.  It  had  no  money.  I  have 
been,  I  think,  fixed  that  way  a  hundred  times.  Then  it  did 
as  I  did.  It  had  to  go  and  borrow  money,  and  every  green 
back  was  a  forced  loan.  The  only  difference  between  that 
of  the  United  States  and  mine  is  that  mine  is  not  a  legal 
tender.  If  I  had  the  power  I  would  have  made  them  so. 
We  borrowed  the  money  and  we  have  got  to  pay  it,  and  the 
people  have  got  to  pay  it.  And  the  debt  represents  the 
loss  inflicted  upon  the  country  by  the  war.  That  is  all — 
by  the  war.  All  the  powder  burned,  all  the  shots  thrown, 
all  the  horses,  guns  and  everything  in  the  aggregate  is  rep 
resented  by  our  debt  as  so  much  loss,  and  we  will  never  be 
a  solvent  people  until  our  net  profits  since  the  war  shall 
amount  to  as  much  as  we  lost  during  the  war.  Then  we 
are  a  square,  solvent  people.  The  man  that  can't  under 
stand  that,  there  is  no  use  of  talking  to  on  any  subject. 
This  debt  is  to  be  paid.  As  a  matter  of  fact  we  ought  to 
make  the  Democratic  party  pay  it.  They  lost  the  case. 
They  ought  to  pay  for  it.  All  we  ask  is  that  they  pay  their 
share,  and  I  tell  you  it  is  going  to  be  paid.  There  is,  in 
the  first  place,  to  secure  that  debt,  a  mortgage  on  a  conti 
nent  of  land.  There  is  a  mortgage  on  the  Republican  par 
ty.  Also  every  blade  of  grass  growing  in  the  United  States 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  2O/ 

is  a  guarantee  that  the  debt  shall  be  paid.  Every  ear  of 
corn  is  a  guarantee  that  the  debt  shall  be  paid.  Every  pine 
tree  growing  in  the  somber  forest  is  a  guarantee  that  the 
debt  shall  be  paid.  Every  thought  is  a  guarantee  that  the 
debt  shall  be  paid.  All  the  coal  put  away  in  the  ground  by 
that  old  miser,  the  sun,  is  a  guarantee  that  the  debt  shall 
be  paid.  And  all  the  gold  and  silver  in  the  Sierra  Nevadas 
waiting  for  the  miner's  pick  is  a  guarantee  that  the  debt 
shall  be  paid;  and  every  good  man  and  every  good  woman 
and  every  babe  in  the  cradle,  and  all  the  boys  and  girls 
bending  over  their  books  at  school,  and  every  chap  who  is 
going  to  vote  the  Republican  ticket,  is  a  guarantee  that  the 
debt  shall  be  paid. 

A  TELEGRAM  FROM  ELAINE. 

Why,  don't  you  see,  it  keeps  coming — it  keeps  coming 
(as  a  telegram  was  handed  to  him).  1  have  been  in  that 
country.  I  have  been  talking  to  this  people: 

"We  have  triumphed  by  an  immense  majority,  carrying 
every  congressional  district  and  every  county  in  our  State; 
something  we  have  not  achieved  since  18681" 

(The  audience  then  gave  three  rousing  cheers  and  a  tiger 
for  James  G-.  Blaine,  by  whom  the  dispatch  was  signed.) 

And  this  dispatch  is  signed  by  that  man  who  clutched 
the  Confederate  Congress  by  the  throat  and  held  them  until 
their  foreheads  became  as  black  as  their  records,  and  until 
their  tongues  spoke  out  like  flags  of  truce.  This  is  signed 
by  James  G.  Blaine. 

Now,  then,  the  question  is,  who  is  most  apt  to  fulfill 
this  National  debt,  the  party  who  made  it  and  swore  it  was 
constitutional  and  legal,  or  the  party  that  swore  it  was  not 
constitutional?  Every  time  a  Democrat  or  a  rebel  sees 
a  greenback  it  says  to  him,  "  I  am  one  of  the  host  that 


20  8  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

vanquished  you;'*  and  every  time  a  Republican  sees  a 
greenback  it  says  to  him,  "You  and  I  put  the  rebellion 
down." 

TILDEN'S  ESSAY  ON  FINANOB. 

Now,  there  is  a  gentleman  of  the  name  of  Tilden,  who 
has  written  an  essay  on  finance.  Some  people  call  it  a  let 
ter  of  acceptance.  Let  me  say  here  that  under  the  circum 
stances  I  don't  think  it  proper  to  say  any  thing  of  Mr.  Til- 
den  personally.  He  is  under  the  shadow,  as  I  understand 
it,  of  a  great  grief  and  sorrow;  his  brother  has  recently 
died,  and  I  shall  only  speak  of  his  political  action.  "With 
Samuel  J.  Tilden  as  a  man  I  sincerely  sympathize;  with 
Samuel  J.  Tilden  as  a  politician,  I  do  not.  Now,  we  have 
been  told  in  this  essay  that  one  of  the  great  preventatives 
of  paying  this  debt  is  having  a  time  fixed  when  to  pay  it.  I 
have  never  taken  any  notes  that  I  recollect  of  that  there 
was  not  something  said  in  the  note  about  when  it  was  to  be 
paid;  and  I  had  always  supposed  that  it  was  an  exceedingly 
important  part  of  the  note  that  there  be  at  least  an  indi 
rect  allusion  to  some  age  or  epoch  at  which  the  maker 
thereof  proposed  to  liquidate  the  aforesaid  note.  But  I  find 
all  this  time  I  have  been  mistaken,  and  that  nothing  in  the 
world  will  prevent  it  being  paid  so  quick  as  to  have  the 
date  fixed  when  it  is  to  be  paid.  Tilden  says  the  reason  of 
this  is  that  you  cannot  pay  a  note  without  wise  preparation, 
and  a  wise  system  of  preparation,  and  to  have  a  date  fixed 
plays  the  very  devil  with  a  wise  preparation.  He  also  tells 
us  that  it  is  necessary  to  have  a  central  reservoir  of  coin, 
and  that  if  you  fix  the  date  the  reservoir  is  an  impossibil 
ity.  He  also  tells  us  that  you  must  approach  this  thing  by 
a  slow  and  gradual  process,  and  that  if  you  have  a  day  fixed 
you  cannot  make  your  process  gradual  enough.  Now  let 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  209 

me  read  what  he  says:  "How  shall  the  Government  make 
these  notes  (greenbacks)  at  all  times  as  good  as  speciel" 
Well,  in  my  humble  view,  I  had  supposed  the  way  to  do 
was  to  be  ready  to  redeem.  I  had,  really.  Tilden  says: 
u  It  has  to  provide  in  reference  to  the  mass  which  would  be 
kept  in  use  by  the  wants  of  business,  a  central  reservoir  of 
coin,  adequate  to  the  adjustment  of  the  temporary  fluctua 
tions  of  the  international  balance." 

1  would  like  to  say  to  the  gentleman  who  gave  me  a  note, 
I  want  the  date,  and  I  will  tell  you  why:  "I  have  to  pro- 
Tide,  sir,  in  reference  to  the  mass  which  would  be  kept  in 
use  by  the  wants  of  business,  a  central  reservoir  of  coin,  ad 
equate  to  the  adjustment  of  the  temporary  fluctuations  of 
the  international  balance."  But  Mr.  Tilden  did  not  entirely 
disgorge  his  mind  on  this  subject,  so  he  says: 

" as  a  guaranty  against  transient  drains,  artificially 

created  by  panic  or  by  speculation.  It  has  also  to  provide 
for  the  payment  in  coin  of  such  fractional  currency  as  may 
be  presented  for  redemption,  and  such  inconsiderable  por 
tion  of  legal  tenders  as  individuals  may  from  time  to  time 
desire  to  convert  for  special  use,  or  in  order  to  lay  by  in 
coin  their  little  store  of  money.  If  wisely  planned  and  dis 
creetly  pursued,  it  ought  not  to  cost  any  sacrifice  to  the 
business  of  the  country.  It  should  tend,  on  the  contrary, 
to  the  revival  of  hope  and  confidence. 

"The  proper  time  for  the  resumption  is  the  time  when 
wise  preparation  shall  have  ripened  into  perfect  ability  to 
accomplish  the  object  with  a  certainty  and  ease  that  will  in 
spire  confidence  and  encourage  the  revival  of  business.  The 
earliest  time  in  which  such  a  result  can  be  brought  abont 
is  best." 

And  then  he  tells  you  how  to  do  it:  "  The  specific  meas- 

14 


2io  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

ure  and  actual  date  are  matters  of  details  having  reference 
to  ever-changing  conditions." 

That  is  what  I  tell  the  fellow  about  paying  my  note. 

u  They  belong  to  the  domain  of  practical,  administrative 
statesmanship.  The  captain  of  a  steamer,  about  starting 
from  New  York  to  Liverpool,  does  not  assemble  a  council 
over  his  ocean  craft,  and  fix  an  angle  by  which  to  lash  the 
rudder  for  the  whole  voyage." 

Mr.  Tilden  then  speaks  about  going  to  Liverpool.  "  A 
human  intelligence  must,  be  at  the  helm  to  discern  the 
shifting  forces  of  water  and  wind."  Especially  the  wind,  I 
take  it.  Then  speaking  of  legislation  on  the  subject,  he 
says:  "They  are  a  snare  and  a  delusion  to  all  who  trust 
them."  I  will  read  a  little  more  and  then  I  will  stop.  He 
says  that  it  is  impossible  to  fix  the  day,  because  you  can 
not  know  what  the  fluctuating  balances  of  Europe  will  be; 
you  can't  tell  how  the  water  will  be  nor  how  the  wind 
blows;  you  must  let  it  remain  unfixed.  I  want  to  know  if 
the  Republican  Congress  did  not  know  that  they  could  re 
deem  on  the  1st  of  January,  1879,  how  did  the  Democratic 
convention  know  they  could  not?  How  did  they  find  out 
so  much  of  water  and  wind  and  the  fluctuating  balances  be 
tween  this  and  Europe?  How  did  they  ascertain  so  much 
about  the  central  reservoir  of  coin  ?  How  did  they  ascer 
tain  these  when  it  was  impossible  for  us  to  ascertain  any 
thing  about  it?  If  the  Democratic  party  can  say  it  can't 
be  done  in  January,  1879,  it  seems  to  me  that  the  Repub 
lican  Congress  could  easily  know  enough  to  know  it  can 
be  done.  Mr.  Tilden  spoke  of  the  gradual  and  safe  process 
of  resumption,  but  he  did  not  tell  us  what  it  must  be.  Pie 
simply  says  he  can't  tie  a  rudder  to  a  particular  angle.  He 
says  you  must  trust  to  "  human  intelligence,"  the  human 
intelligence  being  Tilden,  and  in  case  of  his  demise,  Hen- 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  ail 

dricks,and  they  won't  tell  a  thing  until  thecrisis  arrives.  This 
is  what  he  says.  Now,  suppose  I  read  this  letter,  and,  af 
ter  having  read  it,  got  at  the  atmosphere,  en  rapport — you 
know  what  I  mean — that  I  was  full  of  it,  and  that  I  wrote 
in  the  same  vein.  Suppose  I  should,  in  the  most  solemn 
and  impressive  manner,  tell  you  that  the  fluctuations 
caused  in  the  vital  stability  of  shifting  financial  operations, 
not  to  say  speculations  of  the  wildest  character,  cannot  be 
rendered  instantly  accountable  to  a  true  financial  theory, 
based  upon  the  great  law  that  the  superfluous  is  not  a  ne 
cessity,  except  in  the  vague  thoughts  of  persons  unac 
quainted  with  the  exigencies  of  the  hour,  and  cannot,  in  the 
absence  of  a  central  reservoir  of  coin  with  a  human  intel 
ligence  at  the  head,  hasten  by  any  system  of  convertible 
bonds,  the  expectation  of  public  distrust;  no  matter  how 
wisely  planned  and  discreetly  pursued,  failure  is  assured, 
whatever  the  real  result  may  be. 

HARD    MONET. 

If  that  is  not  just  like  it,  I  don't  know  what  the  differ 
ence  is.  Why,  if  anybody  in  the  world  came  to  you  with 
a  note  upon  which  the  date  of  payment  was  not  fixed,  yon 
would  say  he  was  either  insane  or  was  a  rascal.  And  you 
would  say  to  -any  man  in  the  Union  who  says  he  is  for 
specie  resumption,  and  counts  the  date  out,  that  he  is  polit 
ically  dishonest.  But  the  Republican  party  propose  re 
sumption  in  1879.  Hard  money  is  economy;  paper  money 
is  extravagance;  hard  money  means  economy  and  national 
prosperity;  we  have  touched  hard-pan  in  all  the  business  of 
the  country,  and  now  we  want  hard  money  to  do  business 
on  hard-pan  with.  The  Republican  party  will  redeem  on 
the  1st  of  January,  1879,  or  if  it  fails,  it  will  fail  as  the  sol- 
dier  fails  to  take  a  fort  high  up  on  the  rampart  with  the  flag 
in  his  hand. 


212  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

PROTECTION   OF    CITIZENS. 

The  next  question  is  about  the  protection  of  our  citizens. 
The  Nation  that  can  not  protect  its  citizens  at  home  and 
abroad  ought  to  be  swept  from  the  map  of  the  world.  The 
Democratic  party  tells  us  that  the  United  States  of  Amer 
ica  can  protect  all  of  its  citizens  when  they  are  away  from 
home,  but  those  who  are  citizens  of  Louisiana  or  Missis 
sippi  or  any  State  under  our  flag,  the  Government  is 
powerless  to  protect  them.  I  deny  it.  I  say  the  Govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  not  only  has  the  power — and  un 
less  it  does  it,  it  is  infinitely  dishonorable — to  protect  every 
citizen  at  home  as  well  as  abroad,  but  the  Government  has 
the  right  to  take  its  soldiers  across  any  State  line  or  into 
any  city,  county,  or  ward,  for  the  purpose  of  protecting 
every  man,  whether  white  or  black.  (Prolonged  applause.) 
The  doctrine  of  the  Democratic  party  is  the.  old  doctrine 
of  secession  in  disguise — that  the  State  of  South  Carolina 
or  Mississippi  must  protect  its  own  citizens,  but  that  the 
Government  has  nothing  to  do  with  it  unless  the  Governor 
or  the  Legislature  of  the  State  calls  upon  the  General  Gov 
ernment.  This  is  infamous.  The  United  States  claims  the 
right  to  draft  every  citizen  into  the  army.  It  claims  the 
right  to  stand  every  able-bodied  man  in  front  of  a  cannon 
in  time  of  war;  and  now  to  say  that  when  peace  has  spread 
her  beautiful  wings  over  our  land,  when  some  citizen  is 
struck  down,  that  the  United  States  cannot  protect  him, 
when  the  United  States  will  make  him  protect  it,  is  infa 
mous.  (Applause  and  cries  of  "Good,  good.")  The  flag  that 
will  not  protect  its  protectors  is  a  dirty  rag.  It  contam 
inates  the  air  in  which  it  waves,  and  if  that  is  the  true 
theory  of  our  Government,  I  despise  it.  It  is  the  duty  of 
this  Government  to  see  to  it  that  each  and  everj  American 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  213 

citizen  has  all  his  rights  in  every  State  of  the  Union,  peace 
ably  if  we  can,  forcibly  if  we  must.  The  Kepublican  party 
made  the  black  men  of  this  country  citizens.  It  put  the 
ballot  in  their  hands,  and  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Republican 
party  to  see  to  it  that  they  have  a  peaceable  opportunity  to 
cast  their  ballots.  There  are  plenty  of  men  in  the  South 
who  fought  against  the  Government  and  who  were  satisfied 
with  the  arbitrament  of  the  war,  and  who  laid  down  their 
arms  and  are  Union  men  to-day.  I  want  the  Government 
to  protect  them,  too.  As  a  general  rule,  however,  the  pop 
ulation  of  the  South  is  turbulent,  and  the  best  men  cannot 
control  it,  and  men  are 

SHOT   DOWN   FOB   OPINION'S   8AKB. 

It  ought  to  be  stopped.  It  is  a  disgrace  to  American 
civilization.  They  tell  us  that  the  colored  men  are  treated 
very  well!  Oh,  yes,  very  well!  I  read  every  little  while 
of  two  peaceable  white  men  going  along  not  thinking  of 
anything,  as  harmless  and  inoffensive  as  lambs,  and  they 
are  approached  by  ten  or  twelve  negroes,  and  the  ten  or 
twelve  negroes  are  shot,  but  the  two  peaceable  white  men 
don't  get  a  scratch.  The  negroes  are  the  ones  to  bite  the 
dust;  it  is  infamous.  The  Democratic  party  don't  care. 
SamuelJ.  Tilden  don't  care.  He  knows  that  many  South 
ern  States  are  to  be  carried  by  assassination  and  murder. 
He  knows  that  if  he  is  elected  President  of  the  United 
States  it  will  be  by  assassination  and  murder,  and  he  is 
willing  that  they  should  go  on.  It  is  infamous  beyond  the 
expression  of  language.  What  party  will  be  most  apt  to 
preserve  the  liberty  of  the  negro,  the  party  that  gave  it  or 
the  party  that  denied  it?  Who  will  be  most  likely  to 
preserve  the  liberties  of  the  loyal  white  men  of  the  South, 
the  men  that  fought  for  them  or  the  men  that  fought 
against  them! 


214  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

TILDEN    AND   TAMMANY. 

The  Democratic  party  have  as  their  candidate  for  the 
Presidency,  Samuel  J.  Tilden.  It  is  enough  for  me  to  say 
of  him  that  he  is  a  Democrat.  He  belongs  to  the  Demo 
cratic  party  of  the  city  and  State  of  New  York.  The 
Democratic  party  of  the  city  of  New  York,  as  I  understand 
it,  and  we  have  heard  of  it  out  West,  never  had  but  two 
objects,  grand  and  petit  larceny.  We  have  always  heard 
out  West  that  Tammany  Hall  bears  the  same  relation  to 
the  penitentiary  that  a  Sunday-school  does  to  the  church. 
I  understand  that  the  Democratic  party  of  the  city  of  New 
York  got  control  of  the  city  when  it  didn't  owe  a  dollar,  and 
that  it  has  managed  to  steal  until  now  it  owes  about  one  hun 
dred  and  sixty  millions.  I  understand  that  every  contract 
ever  made  by  the  Democratic  party  of  the  city  of  New  York 
was  larceny  in  disguise.  I  understand  that  every  election 
they  ever  had  was  a  fraud.  I  understand  that  they  stole 
everything  they  could  lay  their  hands  upon,  and  oh, 
what  hands  1  They  grasped  and  clutched  all  that  it  was 
possible  for  the  people  to  pay  interest  upon,  and  then, 
clapping  their  enormous  hands  to  their  bursting  pockets, 
they  began  yelling  for  honesty  and  reform.  (Laughter  and 
applause.)  I  understand  that  Mr.  Tilden  was  a  pupil  in 
that  school,  and  that  he  is  now  a  teacher  in  that  school.  I 
understand  that  when  the  war  commenced  he  said  that  he 
would  never  aid  in  the  prosecution  of  that  outrage.  I  un 
derstand  that  he  said  in  1860  and  1861  that  the  Southern 
States  could  snap  the  tie  of  confederation  as  a  nation  would 
break  a  treaty,  and  that  they  could  repel  coercion  as  a  nation 
would  repel  invasion.  I  understand  that  during  the  entire 
war  he  was  opposed  to  its  prosecution,  that  he  was  opposed 
to  the  proclamation  of  emancipation,  and  demanded  that 


GREAT   SPEECHES.  2*5 

the  document  be  taken  back.  I  understand  that  he  regret 
ted  to  see  the  chains  fall  from  the  Jimbs  of  the  colored 
man.  I  understand  that  he  regretted  when  the  constitu 
tion  of  the  United  States  was  elevated  and  purified,  pure  as 
the  driven  snow.  I  understand  that  he  regretted  when  the 
stain  was  wiped  from  our  flag  and  we  stood  before  the 
world  the  only  pare  Republic  that  ever  existed.  It  is 
enough  for  me  to  say  about  him,  and  since  the  news  from 
Maine  you  need  not  waste  your  time  in  talking  of  him. 

HAYES  AND   WHEELER. 

On  the  other  side  there  is  another  man,  Rutherford  B. 
Hayes.  I  want  to  tell  you  something  about  this  man.  In 
the  first  place,  he  is  an  honest  man,  a  patriotic  man,  and 
when  this  war  commenced  Rutherford  B.  Hayes  said:  "  I 
would  rather  go  into  the  war  and  be  killed  in  the  cause  of 
it  than  live  through  it  and  take  no  part  in  it."  Com 
pare,  if  you  please,  that  with  Mr.  Tilden's  refusal  to  sign  h 
call  for  a  Union  meeting  in  this  city  of  New  York,  headed 
by  that  honored  man,  who  was,  at  that  time,  a  staunch  Dem 
ocrat,  John  A.  Dix.  Rutherford  B.  Hayes  is,  as  I  said,  a  pa. 
trioticman;  he  went  and  dispersed  rebel  meetings  when  Mr. 
Tilden  refused  to  disperse  these  meetings.  He  bears  now 
three  wounds  in  his  flesh  received  while  helping  his  country 
in  this  manner.  He  is  also  a  man  of  good  character,  and, 
as  I  said  before,  good  character  cannot  be  made  in  a  day; 
good  character  is  made  up  of  all  good  things;  all  the  enno 
bling  things  accomplished  go  into 'this  grand  thing  called 
character,  and  the  character  of  Rutherford  B.  Hayes  rises  be 
fore  the  people  to-day  like  a  dome  of  honor,  of  patriotism  and 
integrity.  All  the  Democratic  snakes,  with  their  poison. 
OUB  tongues  thrust  out,  cannot  find  a  crevice  in  the  char, 
acter  of  Mr.  Hayes  into  which  to  deposit  their  malignity. 


216  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

Imagine  a  man  so  good  that  the  Democratic  men  cannot 
He  about  him.  I  would  also  say  that  William  A.  Wheeler 
is  also  as  staunch  a  Republican  as  ever  there  was  in  the 
party.  There  is  no  one  a  greater  advocate  of  reform  than 
he. 

DEMOCRATIC  MEANNESS. 

I  have  told  you  a  little  about  the  condition  of  the  cotmtry 
when  the  Republican  party  was  born,  what  it  achieved,  and 
a  little  about  the  Democratic  party,  and  a  little  about  Mr. 
Tilden,  and  now  I  am  going  to  wind  this  thing  np.  I  want 
you  all  to  recollect  that  the  very  men  who  fought  for  this 
Union,  with  very  few  exceptions,  were  Republicans.  There 
were  some  Democrats,  but  I  cannot  tell  why  they  were  there. 
With  these  exceptions,  the  Democratic  party  is  made  up  of 
the  worst  elements  of  society.  The  worst  wards  in  New 
York  are  the  ones  that  will  give  the  largest  Democratic 
majority.  There  is  not  a  penitentiary  in  the  United  States 
that  Tilden  and  Hendricks  cannot  carry  five  to  one.  In 
the  Democratic  party  can  be  found  the  vicious  and  foul. 
The  man  who  wishes  to  answer  an  argument  with  blows, 
he  is  in  the  Democratic  party.  All  men  who  sympathized 
with  the  South  in  its  efforts  to  destroy  this  Government  are 
now  in  the  Democratic  party;  all  the  men  who  shot  our 
soldiers  at  the  dead-mark  are  now  for  honesty  and  reform, 
and  if  Tilden  should  be  elected  President  of  the  United 
States  all  these  men  would  be  found  shouting  for  Tilden 
and  Hendricks.  Now,  my  friends,  keep  out  of  the  Demo 
cratic  party;  do  not  vote  that  ticket;  any  young  man  who 
ie  going  to  cast  his  first  vote,  do  not  place  your  future  in 
the  hands  of  that  party.  The  Republican  party,  on  the 
other  hand,  is  the  party  of  reason,  of  progression  and  educa 
tion.  The  Republican  party  is  the  one  that  believes  in  the 


GREAT  SPEECHES. 

equality  of  human  rights.  I  believe  it  I  am  willing  to 
give  to  every  human  being  every  right  that  I  claim  for  my 
self.  Every  man  who  won't  do  that  is  a  rascal 

FREEDOM  AND  PROGRESS. 

My  friends,  I  believe  the  world  is  going  to  get  better,  I 
do.  I  believe  we  are  getting  better  all  the  time.  Samuel 
J.  Tilden  says  we  are  a  nation  of  thieves  and  robbers.  I 
don't  believe  it.  If  we  were,  he  ought  to  be  President.  I 
believe  we  are  getting  better,  and  every  day  the  Republican 
party  is  in  power  we  will  be  getting  better.  And  how?  By 
free  labor  and  free  thought.  Free  labor  will  give  us  wealth. 
Free  thought  will  give  us  truth.  Free  labor  has  done  ev 
erything  that  has  been  done  in  the  United  States,  because 
the  problem  of  free  labor  is  to  do  the  most  work  in  the  least 
time,  and  slave  labor  is  to  do  the  least  work  in  the  most 
time.  (A  voice:  "  How  about  free  schools?")  I  want  free 
schools,  and  I  want  them  divorced  from  sectarian  influence. 
(Tremendous  applause  and  cheers.)  I  want  every  school- 
house  to  be  a  true  temple  of  science  in  which  shall  be 
taught  the  laws  of  nature,  in  which  the  children  shall  be 
taught  actual  facts;  and  1  don't  want  that  school-house 
touched,  or  that  institution  of  science  touched  by  any  su 
perstition  whatever.  Leave  religion  with  the  church,  with 
the  family,  and  more  than  all,  leave  religion  with  each  indi 
vidual  heart  and  man.  Let  every  man  be  his  own  Bishop, 
let  every  man  be  his  own  Pope,  let  every  man  do  his  own 
thinking,  let  every  man  have  a  brain  of  his  own.  Let  every 
man  have  a  heart  and  conscience  of  his  own. 

We  are  growing  better,  and  truer,  and  grander.  And  let 
me  say,  Mr.  Democrat,  we  are  keeping  the  country  for  your 
children.  We  are  keeping  education  for  your  children.  We 
are  keeping  the  old  flag  floating  for  your  children;  and  let 


218 


COL.  INGERSOLL'S 


me  say,  as  a  prediction,  that  there  is  only  air  enough  on  this 
continent  to  float  that  one  flag. 

"Well,  you.  have  heard  from  Maine,  and  yon  will  hear 
from  Ohio  and  Indiana,  and  those  three  silver  bugle  son nds, 
Hayes  and  Wheeler,  and  the  nation  hearing  those,  next  No 
vember,  will  say  that  the  men  who  saved  our  country  shall 
rule;  will  say  that  the  men  who  saved  the  Ship  of  State 
shall  sail  it.  And  now,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  I  thank  yon 
again  and  again.  (Loud  and  long  applause.) 


THE  NATIONAL  LINCOLN  MONUMENT. 

In  Oak  Ridge  Cemetery  i  at  Springfield,  111.  The  base  of  this  monument  is  72}4  ft. 
square,  and  with  the  circular  projection  of  the  catacomb  on  the  north,  and  memorial 
hall  on  the  south,  the  extreme  length  on  the  ground  from  north  to  south  is  119%  ft. 
Height  of  terrace  15  ft.  and  10  in.  From  the  terrace  to  the  apex  of  the  obelisk,  82  ft. 
6^  in.  From  the  grade  line  to  the  top  of  the  four  round  pedestals,  28  ft.  4  in.,  and  to 
the  top  of  the  pedastal  of  the  Lincoln  Statue,  Z51A  ft.  Total  height  from  ground  lin* 
to  apex  of  obelisk,  98  ft.  4%  in.  Total  expense  of  erection,  about  $200,000. 


22O  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 


Oration  at  a  Child's  Grave. 


(Chicago  Tribune,  Jam,.  13, 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  Jan.  9tl£  —  In  a  remote  corner  of  the 
Congressional  Cemetery  yesterday  afternoon,  a  small  group 
of  people  with  uncovered  heads  were  ranged  around  a  newly- 
opened  grave.  They  included  Detective  and  Mrs.  George 
O.  Miller  and  family  and  friends,  who  had  gathered  to  wit. 
ness  the  burial  of  the  former's  bright  little  son  Harry,  a  re 
cent  victim  of  diphtheria.  As  the  casket  rested  upon  the 
trestles  there  was  a  painful  pause,  broken  only  by  the  moth 
er's  sobs,  until  the  undertaker  advanced  toward  a  stout 
florid-complexioned  gentleman  in  the  party  and  whispered 
to  him,  the  words  being  inaudible  to  the  lookers-on. 

This  gentleman  was 

COL.  ROBERT  G.  INGERSOLL, 

a  friend  of  the  Millers,  who  had  attended  the  funeral  at 
their  request  He  shook  his  head  when  the  undertaker 
first  addressed  him,  and  then  said  suddenly,  "  Does  Mrs. 
Miller  desire  it?  " 

The  undertaker  gave  an  affirmative  nod.  Mr.  Miller 
looked  appealingly  toward  the  distinguished  orator,  and 
then  Col.  Ingersoll  advanced  to  the  side  of  the  grave,  made 
a  motion  denoting  a  desire  for  silence,  and,  in  a  voice  of  ex 
quisite  cadence,  delivered  one  of  his  characteristic  eulogies 
for  the  dead.  The  scene  was  intensely  dramatic.  A  fine 
drizzling  rain  was  falling,  and  every  head  was  bent,  and  ev 
ery  ear  turned  to  catch  the  impassioned  words  of  eloquence 
and  hope  that  fell  from  the  lips  of 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  221 

THE  FAMED   ORATOB. 

Col.  Ingersoll  was  unprotected  by  either  hat  or  nmbrella, 
and  his  invocation  thrilled  his  hearers  with  awe;  each  eye 
that  had  previously  been  bedimmed  with  tears  brighten 
ing  and  sobs  becoming  hushed.  The  Colonel  said: 

MY  FRIENDS: — I  know  how  vain  it  is  to  gild  a  grief  with 
words,  and  yet  I  wish  to  take  from  every  grave  its  fear. 
Here  in  this  world,  where  life  and  death  are  equal  kings, 
all  should  be  brave  enough  to  meet  what  all  have  met.  The 
future  has  been  filled  with  fear,  stained  and  polluted  by  the 
heartless  past.  From  the  wondrous  tree  of  life  the  buds  and 
blossoms  fall  with  ripened  fruit,  and  in  the  common  bed  of 
earth  patriarchs  and  babes  sleep  side  by  side.  Why  should 
we  fear  that  which  will  come  to  all  that  is?  "We  cannot 
tell.  We  do  not  know  which  is  the  greatest  blessing,  life  or 
death.  We  cannot  say  that  death  is  not  good.  We  do  not 
know  whether  the  grave  is  the  end  of  this  life  or  the  door 
of  another,  or  whether  the  night  here  is  not  somewhere  else 
a  dawn.  Neither  can  we  tell  which  is  the  more  fortunate, 
the  child  dying  in  its  mother's  arms  before  its  lips  have 
learned  to  form  a  word,  or  he  who  journeys  all  the  length  of 
life's  uneven  road,  painfully  taking  the  last  slow  steps  with 
staff  and  crutch.  Every  cradle  asks  us  "Whence?"  and 
every  coffin  "  Whither?  "  The  poor  barbarian  weeping 
above  his  dead  can  answer  the  question  as  intelligently  and 
satisfactorily  as  the  robed  priest  of  the  most  authentic 
creed.  The  tearful  ignorance  of  the  one  is  just  as  consol 
ing  as 

THE  LEARNED  AND  UNMEANING  WORDS 

of  the  other.  No  man  standing  where  the  horizon  of  a  life 
has  touched  a  grave  has  any  right  to  prophesy  a  future 
filled  with  pain  and  tears.  It  may  be  that  death  gives  all 


«3i  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

there  is  of  worth  to  life.  If  those  who  press  and  strain 
against  our  hearts  could  never  die,  perhaps  that  love  would 
wither  from  the  earth.  May  be  a  common  faith  treads  from 
out  the  paths  between  our  hearts  the  weeds  of  selfishness, 
and  I  should  rather  live  and  love  where  death  is  king  than 
have  eternal  life  where  love  is  not.  Another  life  is  naught, 
unless  we  know  and  love  again  the  ones  who  love  us  here. 
They  who  stand  with  breaking  hearts  around  this  little 
grave  need  have  no  fear.  The  largest  and  the  nobler  faith 
in  all  that  is,  and  is  to  be,  tells  us  that  death,  even  at  its 
worst,  is  only  perfect  rest.  We  know  that  through  the  com 
mon  wants  of  life,  the  needs  and  duties  of  each  hour,  their 
grief  will  lessen  day  by  day  until  at  last  these  graves  will 
be  to  them  a  place  of  rest  and  peace,  almost  of  joy.  There 
is  for  them  this  consolation:  The  dead  do  not  suffer.  If 
they  live  again  their  lives  will  surely  be  as  good  as  our?. 
We  have  no  fear;  we  are  all  children  of  the  same  mother 
and  the  same  fate  awaits  us  all.  We,  too,  have  our  relig 
ion,  and  it  is  this:  "Help  for  the  living,  hope  for  thedead.'* 
At  the  conclusion  of  the  eloquent  oration  the  little  coffin 
was  deposited  in  its  last  resting  place  covered  with  flowers. 


I     I 


224  COL.  INGERSOLLS 


"  The  Democratic  party  is  a  wolf  which  has  been  starv 
ing  at  the  door  of  this  Nation  for  nearly  a  score  of  years. 
The  wolf  wants  office,  and  it  will  keep  on  wanting." 

"We  are  fighting  to-day  the  same  party  that  we  fought 
in  all  the  terrible  years  thatjbllowed  1860.  We  are  fight 
ing  Democrats,  and  in  the  time  to  which  I  refer  every 
Democrat  with  a  musket  was  a  rebel,  and  every  rebel  with 
out  a  musket  was  a  Democrat." 

"  In  the  hour  of  their  trial  the  loyal  people  of  the  United 
States  wanted  money.  They  wanted  money  to  buy  mus 
kets,  and  cannon,  and  shot  and  shell  to  kill  Democrats  with. 
To  get  this  money  they  issued  promises  to  pay,  and  the 
belief  that  these  promises  would  be  kept  was  so  strong  that 
they  got  the  money  they  wanted,  and  they  killed  Demo 
crats  enough  to  put  a  stop  to  the  war  and  save  their  coun 
try." 

"  Naturally  the  Democrats  don't  like  the  promises  to  pay 
which  did  them  so  much  harm,  and  they  would  repudiate 
them  if  they  could,  but  they  cannot.  Our  debt  must  be 
paid,  and  the  Republican  party  will  stay  in  power  until  it 
is  paid.  In  the  meantime  let  all  nations  know  that  every 
blade  of  corn,  every  head  of  golden  wheat,  all  the  gold  and 
silver,  all  the  cattle  roaming  over  pastures,  prairies  and 
plains,  all  the  coal  put  away  millions  of  years  ago  by  that 
old  miser  the  sun,  every  child  in  his  cradle,  every  honest 
man  and  woman  in  the  United  States,  is  guarantee  that  the 
Republican  party  will  keep  faith  with  the  men  that  trusted 
it  when  it  most  needed  trust." 

"  Who  is  Samuel  J.  Tiiden?     Samuel  J.  Tilden  is  an  at- 


GREAT  SPEECHES. 


225 


torney.  He  never  gave  birth  to  an  elevated  or  noble  senti 
ment  in  his  life.  He  is  a  kind  of  legal  spider  watching  in 
a  web  of  technicalities  for  victims.  He  is  a  compound  of 
cunning  and  heartlessness,  of  beak  and  claw  and  fang.  He 
is  one  of  the  few  men  who  can  grab  a  railroad  and  hide  all 
the  deep  cuts,  tunnels,  bridges  and  culverts  in  a  single 
night.  He  is  a  corporation  wrecker.  He  is  a  demurrer 
filed  by  the  Confederate  Congress.  He  waits  on  the  shores 
of  the  sea  of  bankruptcy  to  clutch  the  drowning  by  the 
throat.  He  would  not  save  his  country  if  he  could.  He 
swore  he  paid  his  income  tax  and  he  swore  to  a  lie.  He 
knew  it.  He  was  never  married.  Tammany  was  the  only 
maiden  he  ever  clasped  to  his  withered  and  heartless  breast. 
He  courted  men  because  women  cannot  vote,  and  he  has 
adopted  a  rag  baby  that  really  belongs  to  a  person  whose 
name  is  Hendricks  alias  '  reform.'  At  present  his  princi 
pal  business  is  explaining  or  trying  to  explain,  how  he 
came  to  adopt  that  child." 
15 


. 


PARKS    OF    CHICAGO. 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  22? 

INGERSOLL'S    PLEA   FOR    HONEST    MONEY. 


The  Fallacies  of  the  Fiat  Agitation  Exposed  in  a 

Characteristic  Speech  at  Malone,  N.  Y.,  Oct. 

4, 1878.    Greenbacks  Backed  by  Gold  the 

Currency  for  the  Country. 

Col.  Robert  G.  Ingersoll,  in  his  address  before  the  Coun 
ty  Fair  Association,  spoke  as  follows  upon  the  financial  is 
sue: 

We  have  had  in  our  country  a  magnificent  inflation. 
We  have  built  within  twenty-five  years  some  75,000  miles 
of  railroad,  and  in  order  to  build  that  we  spent  about 
$5,000,000,000.  Well,  there  was  work  for  everybody.  We 
had  everything  growing  and  there  was  prosperity  all  over 
the  land.  Everybody  worked  for  everybody, — everybody 
wanted  to  employ  somebody  else.  In  the  meantime  the 
war  came  upon  our  hands,  and  in  that  we  spent  $10,000,- 
000,000.  What  for?  To  build  up?  No;  to  tear  down  and 
destroy.  Every  single  solitary  dollar  that  was  spent  was 
wasted  by  us.  But  as  a  matter  of  fact,  we  didn't  spend 
the  money,  we  only  agreed  to.  We  scattered  all  over  the 
country  certain  notes  which  we  agreed  to  pay,  and  we  have 
not  got  them  paid  yet.  In  my  judgment,  it  did  not  take 
as  much  patriotism  to  put  down  the  Rebellion  as  it  will 
take  to  pay  the  debt.  A  man  can  bo  brave  for  a  few  min 
utes  when  he  is  right  in  the  line  of  battle,  and  when  he 
looks  and  sees  that  nobody  else  runs.  It  is  comparatively 
easy  to  do  that,  and  be  shot  down  at  the  post  of  glory.  It 
is  comparatively  easy  to  die  for  a  principle.  But  it  is 
mighty  hard  to  live  for  it.  is  hard  work  to  get  up  at  4 


228  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

o'clock  in  the  morning  and  work  until  the  sun  goes   down, 
and  do  that  for  a  lite. 

I  say  we  spent  all  of  this  money,  and  we  had  what  they  call 
prosperity,  and  while  that  was  going  on  the  young  men 
left  the  farms,  and  said  they  didn't  want  to  be  farmers. 
They  said:  "  "We  won't  farm  It;  we  will  go  to  the  city." 
Every  man  that  could  get  $500  worth  of  goods  on  trust  be 
came  a  merchant.  They  wanted  to  be  dentists,  lawyers, 
doctors, — something  that  there  was  no  work  in.  When 
they  could  not  do  that  they  would  start  an  insurance  associa 
tion.  Then  they  sent  their  agents  all  over  the  country  to 
get  your  property  insured,  and  every  moment  you  would 
have  a  picture  of  a  coffin  thrust  in  your  face  to  see  if  you 
wouldn't  insure.  And  those  agents  would  come  and  sit 
down  by  you  and  talk  about  your  last  struggle  with  that 
monster — death.  They  got  a  certain  share  of  the  premium, 
and  they  insured  anybody.  They  insured  consumption  in 
its  last  hemorrhage,  and  the  money  flowed  into  the  society. 
As  soon  as  the  fellows  began  to  die  the  company  closed  its 
doors.  Then  they  had  fire-insurance  companies.  The 
agents  of  these  also  had  a  share  of  the  premiums,  and  I  tell 
you  that  for  six,  eight  or  ten  years  they  would  have  insured 
an  iceberg  in  perdition.  Then  the  merchants  filled  all  the 
cars  and  all  the  hotels  and  bars  with  runners  and  drummers. 
Every  man  that  you  met  had  three  carpet-sacks  filled  with 
samples.  And  in  the  meantime  we  had  the  bankrupt  law, 
so  that  every  man  who  couldn't  pay  his  debts  might  take 
the  benefit  of  this  law.  Then  it  all  went  to  the  clerks,  etc., 
of  the  courts.  I  never  heard  of  anybody  getting  more  than 
3  per  cent,  on  any  claim  in  my  life. 

THE    CRASH. 

All  at  onc&— in  1873 — there  came  a  crash,  and  the  broth 
er  that  had  staid  at  home  and  worked  on  the  farm  saw  in 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  229 

the  paper  that  his  brother,  who  was  president  of  a  life  in 
surance  company,  was  a  vagrant  and  a  vagabond.  He  read, 
too,  that  the  railroad  had  failed,  and  that  its  bonds  were  as 
worthless  as  the  first  autumn  leaves  that  grew  on  this 
earth.  Then  he  began  to  think  that  he  was  doing  well  him- 
self;  and  the  fact  is  that  the  men  who  cultivate  the  soil  are 
to-day  the  richest,  on  the  average,  of  any  class  of  men  un 
der  our  flag.  Then  we  got  hard  times.  Everybody  who  had 
a  mortgage  as  an  adornment  to  his  property  has  suffered. 
Now  they  say  the  way  to  get  back — the  way  to  have  pros 
perous  times  again — is  to  again  go  in  debt.  Suppose  I 
bought  a  farm  for  $5,000,  and  gave  my  note  for  it;  and  then 
I  bought  horses  and  wagons  and  gave  my  note;  and  then  I 
bought  a  piano  for  Mary  and  gave  my  note,  and  sent  James 
to  school  and  gave  my  note,  and  they  all  run  a  year.  What 
a  magnificent  time  I  could  have  for  that  year!  Then  when 
they  came  around  aud  wanted  me  to  pay  the  note,  1  would 
say,  "I  will  give  you  little  notes  for  the  interest,  and  let 
them  run  another  year."  What  a  splendid  time  I  could 
have  for  another  yearl  Finally  when  they  come  and  say 
they  have  got  to  have  the  money,  what  would  you  think  if 
I  were  to  say  to  them,  "  I  never  had  a  better  time  in  my 
life  than  when  I  was  giving  those  notes.  All  that  is  nec 
essary  for  universal  happiness  and  peace  is  to  let  me  keep 
right  on  giving  my  notes."  I  say  to  them  the  reason  of 
hard  times  is  because  they  have  lost  confidence  in  me, 
They  say  the  reason  they  have  lost  confidence  is  that  I  havs 
not  got  the  money. 

"  FTAT  n  MOITET. 

Now,  it  is  precisely  the  same  way  with  an  individual 
that  it  is  with  the  Government.  I  say  that  he  can't  make 
something  out  of  nothing.  The  United  States  Government 
ean't  make  money.  It  can  make  what  it  calls  money.  It 


230  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

has  not  the  power  to  make  it;  it  has  the  power  to  make 
you  take  it.  In  other  words  it  has  the  power  to  make  every 
creditor  take  it,  and  nobody  else.  If  you  go  to  buy  a  bush 
el  of  wheat,  and  you  have  got  "fiat  "  money,  the  man  can 
say,  "  I  will  take  $1  in  gold  for  that  wheat,  but  I  want  $5 
if  yon  pay  in  'fiat'  money."  How  are  you  going  to  prevent 
him?  The  money  you  have  got  is  good  simply  because  it 
promises  to  pay.  Now  it  is  proposed  to  have  money  that 
we  will  promise  not  to  pay.  If  nonsense  can  go  beyond  that, 
I  cannot  conceive  the  route  or  path  that  it  will  take.  Then 
if  Congress  says  you  must  take  it,  Congress  must  fix  the 
price  of  everything.  It  must  fix  the  price  of  wheat;  it 
must  fix  the  price  of  making  a  speech  in  a  lawsuit;  it  must 
fix  the  price  of  every  article,  or  else  it  cannot  make  its 
money  good. 

GOVERNMENT    TAXES. 

But  some  gentlemen  say  that  Congress  has  the  pow 
er  to  make  money,  and  I  want  to  ask  them  one 
question;  I  want  you  to  think  about  it.  If  this  Gov 
ernment  has  the  power  to  make  money,  why  should 
it  collect  taxes  from  us?  Why  don't  they  make  it  and 
let  us  alone?  If  this  Government  can  make  a  dollar  or 
a  thousand  dollar  bill  just  that  quick  (slapping  his  hands 
together),  why  should  they  make  us  labor  day  and  night, 
and  make  us  pay  taxes  to  support  them?  If  the  govern 
ment  can  make  money,  let  them  make  it  and  let  us  alone. 
But  instead  of  that  this  great  Government  comes  up  here 
into  this  country  with  the  bayonet  and  compels  you  to  pay 
taxes.  It  is  like  the  ocean  trotting  around  to  borrow  a  little 
salt  water,  or  like  the  sun  trying  to  get  the  loan  of  a  candle 
from  some  poor  devil  that  has  worked  weeks  to  make  that 
candle.  So  I  say  to  them,  if  they  can  do  it,  let  them  do  it 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  331 

Very  well,  if  the  Government  can  make  money,  how 
much  can  it  make?  How  will  I  get  my  share?  How 
much  is  it  going  to  issue?  Some  say,  "Enough  to  produce 
prosperity."  But  how  much,  they  can't  tell. 

Some  say  they  are  going  to  pay  up  the  bonds  and  bring 
money  in  that  way  into  circulation,  and  then  business  will 
be  prosperous.  But  I  say  business  will  be  prosperous 
when 

THE  COUNTRY  IS  PROSPEROUS. 

But  if  you  get  too  much  paper  and  it  goes  down,  who 
loses  it?  The  man  who  has  earned  it  and  happens  to  have 
it  in  his  possession — that  is  the  man  who  loses  it.  Yon 
need  not  be  afraid  but  what  the  smart  people — the  people 
on  Wall  street — will  take  care  of  themselves.  They  re 
quire  their  toll  from  every  man  that  goes  by  their  way; 
but  the  farmer — the  laboring  man  that  has  worked  and 
has  been  given  some  of  that  money — he  loses  his  labor 
unless  that  money  is  worth  as  much  as  it  was  the  day  he 
received  it.  But  they  say  there  is  not  money  enough.  I 
say  there  is  plenty — plenty;  I  wish  I  could  get  it.  We 
don't  lack  money.  The  banks  have  got  plenty  of  money; 
a  certain  portion  of  the  people  have  money.  We  are  lack 
ing  collaterals,  that  is  what  we  are  lacking.  You  can  get 
all  you  want  on  call  in  New  York  at  1£  and  2  per  cent; 
and  do  you  know  why  you  don't  go  and  get  it?  Because 
you  haven't  got  the  collaterals;  and  if  we  are  going  to 
pass  a  law  on  this  subject  I  would  like  to  have  Congress 
pass  a  law  furnishing  us  collaterals.  But  it  will  not  do; 
there  is  no  foundation  to  it.  When  the  money  gets  out  il 
has  all  got  to  be  paid. 


232  COL.  INGERSOIX'S 

GOOD  MONET. 

Call  it  "  fiat*1  money — call  it  what  yon  please;  the  reason 
that  a  gold  dollar  is  worth  a  dollar  is,  because  yon  can  buy 
the  results  of  the  same  amount  of  labor  that  it  took  to  dig 
that  gold  dollar  and  to  mint  it,  including  all  the  fellows  that 
hunted  and  didn't  find  it.  If  you  take  a  piece  of  paper 
and  say  that  it  represents  $5  or  $10,  it  only  represents  it 
because  there  is  a  promise  to  pay  that  money — it  is  only 
good  when  you  believe  that  the  man  or  Government  that 
made  the  promise  is  good,  and  you  can't  go  beyond  it 
Suppose  you  could  blot  from  your  mind,  and  there  was  no 
such  thing  as  gold  and  silver — what  is  a  dollar,  just  leaving 
gold  and  silver  entirely  out?  You  have  got  a  "  fiat"  bill 
that  says  it  ip  $10,  and  is  valuable  because  it  never  will  be 
redeemed.  Gold  and  silver  is  valuable  of  itself.  When  I 
take  a  $10  gold  piece  and  go  to  England,  I  have  to  sell  it 
the  same  as  I  would  a  bushel  of  corn,  and  all  that  spread- 
eagle  nonsense  doesn't  add  one  solitary  farthing  to  its  value. 
And  when  a  sovereign  comes  here  from  England,  we  don't 
care  anything  about  the  beautiful  picture  of  Queen  Victoria 
or  any  other  girl. 

It  is  worth  so  much  and  no  more.  But  they  say  it  is  the 
stamp  of  the  government  that  makes  it  valuable.  Why  not 
stamp  them  tens,  thousands,  or  millions,  and  let  us  all  be 
millionaires?  It  won't  do!  We  will  never  get  prosperity  in 
that  way.  Slowly,  slowly,  steadily  and  surely,  our  money 
has  advanced,  slowly,  steadily  and  surely  the  world  has 
had  more  and  more  confidence  in  the  industry,  the 
honesty  and  the  integrity  of  the  American  people,  and  to 
that  extent  our  money  has  advanced  until  it  has  finally 
clasped  hands  upon  an  equality  with  the  precious  metals. 
We  are  just  inside  of  port.  We  came  in  tempest- tossed, 


GREAT  SPEECHES. 

every  sail  torn  and  rent,  and  every  mast  by  the  side;  and 
these  wreckers  stand  on  the  shore  and  say,  "  If  yon  want 
prosperity,  put  out  to  sea  once  more."  We  don't  want  to 
— we  want  honest  methods.  No  man  lives  in  a  country 
whose  money  is  under  par,  that  he  does  not  feel  a  little  un 
der  par  himself.  I  never  took  out  a  bill  that  was  at  2  or  3 
per  cent,  discount  that  I  did  not  feel  a  little  that  way,  too. 
This  great  and  splendid  Republic,  with  the  most  intelligent 
and  the  best  people  in  the  world, — and  I  say  the  most  hon 
est, — I  want  its  promise  to  be  as  good  in  every  part  of  the 
world  as  the  promise  of  any  other  nation.  I  want  the  green 
back  to  be  preserved;  I  want  to  have  gold  and  silver  be 
hind  it;  I  want  it  so  that  if  I  should  go  into  the  furthest" 
isle  of  the  Pacific  and  should  take  out  a  green  back  a  savage 
would  look  at  it  and  his  eyes  would  glitter  as  if  he  looked 
at  gold.  Then  you  feel  like  }rou  are  somebody;  like  yon 
had  a  great  and  splendid  nation,  and  even  that  old  flag 
would  look  better  if  every  promise  of  the  United  States 
had  been  redeemed.  And  you  never  know  how  much  you 
feel  like  that  until  you  go  to  a  foreign  country.  When  I 
was  there  a' few  days  ago,  I  just  happened  to  see  that  old 
flag;  it  looked  to  me  as  if  the  air  had  just  blossomed  out. 
1  want  to  feel  that  man  is  capable  of  governing  himself, 
and  that  a  republican  government  is  the  ^ery  acme  and 
hight  of  national  honor. 


THE  SKYLARK. 


GREAT  SPEECHES,  235 

Speech  in  Boston  Music  Hall,  October  21, 1878. 

(Boston  Journal,  Oct.  2%,  1878.) 

Col.  Robert  GL  Ingersoll  spoke  last  evening  in  Music 
Hall  to  an  immense  audience.  Every  seat  was  sold  the  day 
before,  and,  counting  those  who  crowded  the  platform  and 
open  spaces  about  the  hall,  there  must  have  been  nearly 
3,500  persons  present.  Col.  Ingersoll  said  he  considered 
the  gathering  of  an  audience  of  so  great  size  and  intelli 
gence  as  the  greatest  compliment  of  his  life.  His  subject 
was:  "Hard  Times  and  the  Way  Out,"  and  its  discussion 
gave  him  a  grand  opportunity  of  dealing  with  the  great 
questions  which  are  now  agitating  the  country.  He  de 
scribed  the  circumstances  which  led  to  the  crash  of  1873, 
defined  with  admirable  clearness  and  simplicity  the  nature 
and  properties  of  money,  demolished  the  fiat-money  theory, 
and  pointed  the  plain,  manly  way  out  of  the  troubles  which 
now  beset  the  Nation.  The  reception  of  the  lecture  was  all 
that  any  man  could  desire,  and  everybody  who  heard  it 
must  have  gone  away  with  clearer  conceptions  of  national 
honor  and  a  firmer  purpose  to  do  all  he  could  to  defend  it 

THE  SPEECH. 

The  lovers  of  the  human  race,  the  philanthropists,  the 
dreamers  of  grand  dreams,  all  predicted  and  all  believed  that 
when  man  should  have  the  right  to  govern  himself,  when  ev 
ery  human  being  should  be  equal  before  the  law,  they  be 
lieved,  they  prophesied  that  pauperism,  crime  and  want 
would  exist  only  in  the  history  of  the  past.  They  accounted 
for  misery  in  their  time  by  the  rapacity  of  kings  and  the  cru 
elty  of  priests.  Here  in  the  United  States  man  at  last  is  free; 
here  man  makes  the  laws  and  all  have  an  equal  voice.  The 


236  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

rich  cannot  oppress  the  poor,  the  poor  are  in  a  majority; 
the  laboring  men,  those  who  in  some  way  work  for  their 
living,  can  elect  every  Congressman  and  every  Judge;  they 
can  make  and  interpret  the  laws,  and  if  labor  is  oppressed  in 
the  United  States  by  capital,  labor  is  simply  itself  to  blame. 
The  cry  is  now  raised  that  capital,  in  some  mysterious  way, 
oppresses  industry;  that  the  capitalist  is  the  enemy  of  the 
man  who  labors. 

WHAT  re  A  CAPITALIST! 

Every  man  who  has  good  health  is  a  capitalist;  every 
one  with  good  sense,  every  one  who  has  had  his  dinner  and 
has  enough  left  for  supper,  is  to  that  extent  a  capitalist. 
Everyman  with  a  good  character,  who  has  the  credit  to  bor 
row  a  dollar  or  to  buy  a  meal  is  a  capitalist;  and  nine  out 
of  ten  of  the  capitalists  in  the  United  States  are  simply 
successful  workingmen.  There  is  no  conflict,  and  can  be 
no  conflict,  in  the  United  States  between  capital  and  labor, 
and  the  men  who  endeavor  to  excite  the  envy  of  the  unfor 
tunate,  the  malice  of  the  poor,  such  men  are  the  enemies  of 
law  and  order. 

HOW   WEALTH   IS   ACCUMULATED. 

As  a  rule  wealth  is  the  result  of  industry,  economy,  at 
tention  to  business;  and,  as  a  rule,  poverty  is  the  resnlt  of 
idleness,  extravagance,  and  inattention  to  business,  though 
to  these  rules  there  are  thousands  of  exceptions.  The  man 
who  has  wasted  his  time,  who  has  thrown  away  his  oppor 
tunities,  is  apt  to  envy  the  man  who  has  not  For  instance, 
here  are  six  shoemakers  working  in  one  shop.  One  of  them, 
attends  to—his  business;  you  can  hear  the  music  of  his 
hammer  late  and  early;  he  is  in  love,  it  may  be,  with  some 
girl  on  the  next  street;  he  has  made  up  his  mind  to  be  a 
man ;  to  succeed,  to  make  somebody  else  happy,  to  have  a 


GREAT  SPEECHES  237 

home;  and  while  he  is  working,  in  his  imagination,  he 
..can  see  his  own  fireside  with  the  light  falling  upon  the 
faces  of  wife  and  child. 

The  other  five  gentlemen  work  as  little  as  they  can, 
spend  Sunday  in  dissipation,  have  the  headache  Monday, 
and,  as  a  result,  never  advance.  The  industrious  one,  the 
one  in  love,  gains  the  confidence  of  his  employer,  and  in  a 
little  while  he  cuts  out  work  for  these  other  fellows.  The 
first  thing  you  know  he  has  a  shop  of  his  own,  the  next  a 
store,  because  the  man  of  reputation,  the  man  of  character, 
the  man  of  known  integrity,  can  buy  all  he  wishes  in  the 
United  States  upon  a  credit.  The  next  thing  you  know  he 
is  married,  and  he  has  built  him  a  house,  and  he  is  happy, 
and  his  dream  has  been  realized.  After  a  while  the  same 
five  shoemakers,  having  pursued  the  old  course,  stand  on 
the  corner  some  Sunday  when  he  rides  by.  H^e  has  got  a 
carriage;  his  wife  sits  by  his  side,  her  face  covered  with 
smiles,  and  they  have  got  two  children,  their  faces  beaming 
with  joy,  and  the  blue  ribbons  fluttering  in  the  wind.  And 
thereupon  these  five  shoemakers  adjourn  to  some  neighbor 
ing  saloon  and  pass  a  resolution  that  there  is  an  irre 
pressible  conflict  between  capital  and  labor. 

NO  OPPRESSION  OF  LABOR  IN  THE  UNITED  STATEa 

There  is,  in  fact,  no  such  conflict,  and  the  laboring  men 
of  the  United  States  have  the  power  to  protect  themselves. 
In  the  ballot-box,  the  vote  of  Lazarus  is  on  an  equality  with 
the  vote  of  Dives;  the  vote  of  a  wandering  pauper  counts 
the  same  as  that  of  the  millionaire.  In  a  land  where  the 
poor,  where  the  laboring  men  have  the  right  and  have  the 
power  to  make  the  laws,  and  do  in  fact  make  the  laws,  cer 
tainly  there  should  be  no  complaint.  In  our  country  the  peo 
ple  hold  the  power,  and  if  any  corporation  in  any  State  10 


238  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

devouring  the  substance  of  the  people,  every  State  has  re 
tained  the  power  of  eminent  domain  under  which  it  can 
confiscate  the  property  and  franchise  of  any  corporation  by 
simply  paying  to  that  corporation  what  such  property  is 
worth.  And  yet  thousands  of  people  are  talking  as  though 
there  existed  a  widespread  conspiracy  against  industry, 
against  honest  toil,  and  thousands  and  thousands  of  speeches 
have  been  made  and  numberless  articles  have  been  written 
to  fill  the  breasts  of  the  unfortunate  with  hatred. 

THE   PERIOD   OF    INFLATION. 

"We  have  passed  through  a  period  of  wonderful  and  un 
precedented  inflation.  For  years  we  enjoyed  the  luxury  of 
going  into  debt;  we  enjoyed  the  felicity  of  living  upon  a 
credit.  We  have  in  the  United  States  about  80,000  miles 
of  railway,  more  than  enough  to  make  a  treble  track  around 
the  globe.  Most  of  these  miles  were  built  in  a  period  of 
twenty -five  years  and  at  a  cost  of  at  least  five  thousand 
millions  of  dollars.  Think  of  the  ore  that  had  to  be  dug, 
of  the  iron  that  was  melted ;  think  of  the  thousands  em 
ployed  in  cutting  bridge  timber  and  ties,  and  giving  to  the 
wintry  air  the  music  of  the  ax;  think  of  the  thousands  and 
thousands  employed  in  making  cars,  in  making  locomo 
tives,  those  horses  of  progress  with  nerves  of  steel  and 
breath  of  steam;  think  of  the  thousands  and  thousands  of 
workers  in  brass,  steel,  and  iron;  think  of  numberless  in 
dustries  that  thrived  in  the  construction  of  80,000  miles  of 
railway;  of  the  streams  bridged,  of  the  mountains  tun 
neled,  of  the  plains  crossed,  and  think  of  the  towns  and 
cities  that  sprang  up,  as  if  by  magic,  along  these  highways 
of  iron.  During  the  same  time  we  had  a  war  in  which  we 
expended  thousands  of  millions  of  dollars,  not  to  create, 
not  to  construct,  but  to  destroy. 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  239 

All  this  money  was  spent  in  the  work  of  demolition,  and 
every  shot,  and  every  shell,  and  every  musket,  and  every 
cannon  was  used  simply  to  destroy.  All  the  time  of  every 
soldier  was  simply  lost.  An  amount  of  property  incon 
ceivable  was  destroyed,  and  some  of  the  best  and  bravest 
were  sacrificed.  During  these  years  the  productive  power 
of  the  North  was  strained  to  the  utmost;  every  wheel  was 
in  motion;  there  was  emploj-ment  for  every  kind  and  de 
scription  of  labor,  for  every  mechanic  there  was  a  constantly 
rising  market,  speculation  was  rife,  it  seemed  almost  im 
possible  to  lose.  As  a  consequence,  the  men  who  had  been 
toiling  upon  the  farms  became  tired;  it  was  too  slow  a  way 
to  get  rich.  They  heard  of  their  neighbor,  of  their  brother 
who  had  gone  to  the  city  and  had  suddenly  become  a  mil 
lionaire.  They  became  tired  with  the  slow  methods  of  ag 
riculture.  The  young  men  of  intelligence,  of  vim,  of  nerve, 
became  disgusted  with  the  farms.  On  every  hand  fortunes 
were  being  made,  a  wave  of  wealth  swept  over  the  United 
States,  huts  became  houses,  houses  became  palaces,  tatters 
became  garments,  and  rags  became  robes;  walls  were  cov 
ered  with  pictures,  floors  with  carpets,  and  for  the  first  time 
in  the  history  of  the  world  the  poor  tasted  of  the  luxuries 
of  wealth.  We  began  to  wonder  how  onr  fathers  endured 
life.  Every  kind  of  business  was  pressed  to  the  very  sky 
line. 

OLD  LIFE-INSURANCE  ASSOCIATIONS 

had  been  successful,  new  ones  sprang  up  on  every  hand. 
The  agents  filled  every  town.  These  agents  were  given  a 
portion  of  the  premium.  You  could  hardly  go  out  of  your 
house  without  being  told  of  the  uncertainty  of  life  and  the 
certainty  of  death.  You  were  shown  pictures  of  life-insur 
ance  agents  emptying  vast  bags  of  gold  at  the  feet  of  a  dis 
consolate  widow.  You  saw  your  own  fatherless  children 


24O  COL.  INGERSOLI/S 

m  imagination  wiping  away  the  tears  of  grief,  and  smiling 
vith  joy.  These  agents  insured  everybody  and  everything. 
They  would  have  insured  a  hospital,  or  consumption  in  ita 
last  hemorrhage.  Fire-insurance  was  managed  in  precisely 
the  same  way.  The  agents  received  a  part  of  the  premium, 
and  they  insured  anything  and  everything,  no  matter  what 
its  danger  might  be.  They  would  have  insured  powder  in 
perdition  or  icebergs  under  the  torrid  zone,  with  the  same 
alacrity.  And  then  there  were  accident  companies,  and 
you  could  not  go  to  the  station  to  buy  your  ticket  without 
being  shown  a  picture  of  disaster.  You  would  see  there 
four  horses  running  away  with  a  stage,  and  old  ladies  and 
children  being  thrown  out;  you  would  see  a  steamer  blown 
up  on  the  Mississippi,  legs  one  way  and  arms  the  other, 
heads  one  side  and  hats  the  other;  locomotives  going 
through  bridges,  good  Samaritans  carrying  off  the  wounded 
on  stretchers. 

MERCHANTS   AND    DRUMMERS. 

The  merchants,  too,  were  not  satisfied  to  do  business  in 
the  old  way.  It  was  too  slow;  they  could  not  wait  for  cus 
tomers.  They  filled  the  country  with  drummers,  and  these 
drummers  convinced  all  the*  country  merchants  that  they 
needed  about  twice  as  many  goods  as  they  could  possibly 
sell,  and  they  took  their  notes  on  sixty  and  ninety  days, 
and  renewed  them  whenever  desired,  provided  the  parties 
renewing  the  notes  would  take  more  goods.  And  these 
country  merchants  pressed  the  goods  upon  their  customers 
in  the  same  manner.  Every  body  was  selling,  everybody 
was  buying,  and  nearly  all  was  done  upon  a  credit.  No  one 
believed  the  day  of  settlement  ever  would  or  ever  could 
come.  Towns  must  continue  to  grow,  and,  in  the  imagina 
tion  of  speculators,  there  were  hundreds  of  cities  number- 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  24! 

ing  their  millions  of  inhabitants.  Land,  miles  and  miles 
from  the  city,  was  laid  out  in  blocks  and  squares, 
and  parks, — land  that  will  not  be  occupied  for  residences 
probably  for  hundreds  of  years  to  come, — and  these  lots 
were  sold,  not  by  the  acre,  not  by  the  square  mile,  but  by 
so  much  per  foot.  They  were  sold  on  credit,  with  a  par 
tial  payment  down  and  the  balance  secured  by  a  mortgage. 
These  values,  of  course,  existed  simply  in  the  imagination, 
and  a  deed  of  trust  upon  a  cloud  or  a  mortgage  upon  a  last 
year's  fog  would  have  been  just  as  valuable.  Everybody 
advertised,  and  those  who  were  not  selling  goods  and  real 
estate  were  in  the  medicine  line,  and  every  rock  beneath 
our  flag  was  covered  with  advice  to  the  unfortunate;  and  I 
have  often  thought  that  if  some  sincere  Christian  had  made 
a  pilgrimage  to  Sinai,  and  had  climbed  its  venerable  crags 
and  in  a  moment  of  devotion  dropped  upon  his  knees  and 
raised  his  eyes  toward  heaven,  the  first  thing  that  would 
have  met  his  astonished  gaze  would  in  all  probability  have 
been  "  St.  1860  X  Plantation  Bitters." 

THE   CRASH. 

Suddenly  there  came  a  crash.  Jay  Cooke  failed  and  I 
have  heard  thousands  of  men  account  for  the  subsequent 
hard  times  from  the  fact  that  Mr.  Cooke  did  fail.  As  well 
might  you  account  for  small-pox  by  saying  that  the  first 
pnstnle  was  the  cause  of  the  disease.  The  failure  of  Jay 
Cooke  &  Co.  was  simply  a  symptom  of  the  disease  univer 
sal.  No  language  can  describe  the  agonies  that  have  been 
endured  since  1873.  No  language  can  tell  the  sufferings 
of  the  men  that  have  wandered  over  the  dreary  and  deso 
late  desert  of  bankruptcy.  Thousands  and  thousands  sup 
posed  they  had  enough,  enough  for  their  declining  years, 
enough  for  wife  and  children,  and  suddenly  found  them- 
16 


242  COL.  INGERSOLLS 

selves  paupers  and  vagrants.  During  all  these  years  the 
Bankruptcy  Law  was  in  force,  and  whoever  failed  to  keep 
his  promises  had  simply  to  take  the  benefit  of  this  law.  As 
a  consequence  there  could  be  no  real,  solid  foundation  for 
business. 

PBOPEETT   COMMENCED   TO   DECLINE, 

that  is  to  say,  it  began  to  be  rated  at  its  real  instead  of  its 
speculative  value.  Land  is  worth  what  it  will  produce  and 
no  more.  It  may  have  a  speculative  value,  and,  if  the 
prophecy  is  fulfilled,  the  man  who  buys  it  may  become 
rich,  and  if  the  prophecy  is  not  fulfilled,  then  the  land  is 
simply  worth  what  it  will  produce.  Lots  worth  from 
$5,000  to  $10,000  apiece  suddenly  vanished  into  farms  worth 
$25  per  acre.  These  lots  resumed ;  the  farms  that  before 
that  time  had  been  considered  worth  $100,  that  are  now 
worth  $20  or  $30,  have  simply  resumed.  Magnificent  resi 
dences,  supposed  to  be  worth  $100,000,  that  can  now  be  pur 
chased  for  $25,000,  they  have  simply  resumed.  The  prop 
erty  in  the  United  States  has  not  fallen  in  value,  but  its 
real  value  has  been  ascertained.  The  land  will  produce  as 
much  as  it  ever  would,  and  is  as  valuable  to-day  as  it  ever 
was;  and  every  improvement,  every  invention  that  adds  to 
the  productiveness  of  the  soil  or  to  the  facilities  for  getting 
that  product  to  market,  adds  to  the  wealth  of  the  nation.  As 
a  matter  of  fact,  the  property  kept  pace  with  what  we  were 
pleased  to  call  our  money.  As  the  money  depreciated, 
property  appreciated;  as  the  money  appreciated,  property 
depreciated.  The  moment  property  began  to  fall  specula 
tion  ceased.  There  is  but  little  speculation  on  a  falling 
market.  The  stocks  and  bonds,  based  simply  upon  ideas, 
became  worthless,  the  collaterals  became,  so  to  speak,  dust 
and  ashes.  At  the  close  of  the  war,  when  the  Government 
ceased  to  be  such  a  vast  purchaser  and  consumer,  many  of 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  843 

the  factories  had  to  stop.  When  the  crash  came  the  men 
stopped  digging  ore,  they  stopped  felling  the  forest,  the  fires 
died  out  in  the  furnaces,  the  men  who  had  stood  in  the 
glare  of  the  forge  were  in  the  gloom  of  despondency.  There 
was  no  employment  for  them.  The  employer  could  not 
sell  his  product,  business  stood  still,  and  then  came  what 
we  call  the  hard  times.  Our  wealth  was  a  delusion  and 
illusion,  and  we  simply  came  back  to  reality.  Too 
many  men  were  doing  nothing,  too  many  men  were  traders, 
brokers,  speculators.  There  were  not  enough  producer*  of 
the  things  needed,  there  were  too  many  producers  of  the 
things  no  one  wished. 

FIAT  MONET. 

Many  remedies  have  been  proposed  and  chief  among 
these  is  the  remedy  of  fiat  money.  Probably  no  subject 
in  the  world  is  less  generally  understood  than  that  of 
money.  So  many  false  definitions  have  been  given,  so  many 
strange,  conflicting  theories  have  been  advanced,  that  it  is 
not  at  all  surprising  that  men  have  come  to  imagine  that 
money  is  something  that  can  be  created  by  law.  The  defini 
tions  given  by  the  hard  money  men  have  been  used  as  argu 
ments  by  those  who  believe  in  the  power  of  Congress  to  cre 
ate  wealth.  We  are  told  that  gold  is  an  instrumentality  or 
a  device  to  facilitate  exchanges.  We  are  also  told  that  gold 
is  a  measure  of  value.  Let  us  examine  these  definitions. 
"  Gold  or  money  is  an  instrumentality  or  device  to  facil 
itate  exchanges."  That  sounds  well,  but  I  do  not  believe 
it  is  correct.  Gold  and  silver  are  commodities.  They  are 
the  products  of  labor.  They  are  not  instrumentalities  or 
devices  to  facilitate  exchanges;  they  are  the  things  ex 
changed  for  something  else,  and  other  things  are  exchanged 
for  them.  The  only  device  about  them  is  the  coining  of 
these  metals,  so  that  you  can  truthfully  say,  that  coining  of 


244  COL-  INGERSOLL'S 

gold  and  silver  is  a  device  to  facilitate  exchanges  and  the  ex 
changes  are  facilitated  in  this  way:  whenever  the  Government 
or  any  Government  certifies  that  in  a  certain  piece  of  gold 
or  silver  there  are  a  certain  number  of  grains  of  a  certain 
fineness,  then  he  who  gives  it  knows  that  he  is  not  giving 
too  much,  and  he  who  receives,  that  he  is  receiving  enough; 
so  that  I  will  change  the  definition  to  this:  The  coining  of 
the  precious  metals  is  a  device  to  facilitate  exchanges;  but 
the  precious  metals  themselves  are  property;  they  are  mer 
chandise,  they  are  commodities,  and  whenever  one  com 
modity  is  exchanged  for  another,  it  is  barter,  and  gold  and 
silver  are  the  last  refinement  of  barter. 

THE   SECOND   DEFINITION 

is:  "  Gold  and  silver  are  the  measures  of  value."  We  are 
told  by  those  who  believe  in  fiat  money  that  gold  is  a  meas 
ure  of  value  just  the  same  as  a  half-bushel  or  a  yard-stick. 
I  deny  that  gold  is  a  measure  of  value.  It  is  a  measure 
of  value  precisely  as  a  half-bushel  is,  or  a  yard-stick  is, 
but  no  other  way.  The  yard-stick  is  not  a  measure 
of  value,  it  is  simply  a  measure  of  quantity.  It  meas 
ures  cloth  worth  $50  a  yard  precisely  as  it  does  cal 
ico  worth  four  cents;  it  measures  $100  lace  exactly  as 
it  does  cent  tape,  and  in  no  other  way.  It  is  there 
fore  not  a  measure  of  value,  and  consequently  this 
yard-stick  can  be  made  of  silver,  or  gold,  or  wood.  It 
measures  simply  quantities.  The  same  with  the  half- 
bushel.  The  half-bushel  measures  wheat  precisely  the 
same,  whether  that  wheat  is  worth  $3  or  $1.  It  simply 
measures  quantity,  not  quality,  not  value.  The  yard-stick, 
the  half-bushel  and  the  coining  of  money  are  all  devices  to 
facilitate  exchanges.  The  yard-stick  assures  the  man  who 
buys  that  he  has  received  enough;  and  in  that  way  it 


GKEAT  SPEECHES. 

facilitates  exchanges.  The  coining  of  money  facilitates 
exchange,  for  the  reason  that  were  it  not  coined,  each  man 
who  did  business  would  have  to  carry  a  pair  of  scales  and 
be  a  chemist.  If  gold  and  silver  are  not  the  measures  of 
value,  what  is?  I  answer,  intellectual  labor. 

Gold  gets  its  value  from  labor.  Of  course,  I  cannot 
account  for  the  fact  that  mankind  have  a  certain  fancy  for 
gold  or  for  diamonds,  neither  can  I  account  for  the  fact 
that  we  like  certain  things  better  than  others  to  eat.  These 
are  simply  facts  in  nature,  and  they  are  facts,  whether  they 
can  be  explained  or  not,  which  cannot  be  disregarded. 

The  dollar  in  gold  represents  on  the  average  the  labor 
that  it  took  to  dig  and  mint  it,  together  with  all  the  time  of 
the  men  who  looked  for  it  without  finding  it.  The  dollar 
in  gold,  on  the  average,  will  buy  the  product  of  the  same 
amount  of  labor  in  any  other  direction.  Nothing  ever  has 
been  money,  from  the  most  barbarous  to  the  most  civilized, 
unless  it  was  a  product  of  nature  and  a  something  to  which 
the  people  among  whom  it  passed  as  money  attached  a  cer 
tain  value,  a  value  not  dependent  upon  legislation  in  any  de 
gree.  Nothing  has  ever  been  considered  money  that  man 
could  produce.  A  bank-bill  is  not  money,  neither  is  a 
check  nor  a  draft.  These  are  all  devices  simply  to  facilitate 
business,  but  in  and  of  themselves  they  have  no  value. 

THE   GOVERNMENT   A     PAUPER. 

We  are  told,  however,  that  the  Government  can  create 
money.  This  I  deny.  The  Government  produces  nothing, 
it  raises  no  wheat,  no  corn,  it  digs  no  gold,  no  silver.  It  is 
not  a  producer,  it  is  a  consumer.  The  Government  is  a  per 
petual  pauper  that  has  to  be  supported  by  the  people.  It  is 
constantly  passing  the  contribution-plate;  the  man  who 
passes  it  I  admit  has  a  musket  with  him,  but  at  the  same 
time  the  Government  is  supported  by  these  contributions. 


246  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

Yon  cannot  live  upon  the  promise  of  your  own  Govern- 
ment  any  more  than  you  could  live  upon  the  notes  of  your 
hired  man,  any  more  than  you  could  live  upon  bonds  is 
sued  by  occupants  of  the  County  Poor-House.  You  cannot 
live  upon  that  which  you  to  have  support.  The  Govern 
ment  cannot  by  law  create  wealth.  And  right  here  I  wish 
to  ask  one  question,  and  I  would  like  to  have  it  answered 
some  time.  If  the  Government  can  make  money,  if  it  can 
create  money,  if  by  putting  its  sovereignty  upon  a  piece  of 
paper  it  can  create  absolute  money,  why  should  the  Govern 
ment  collect  taxes?  We  have  in  every  district  assessors  and 
collectors;  we  have  at  every  port  custom-houses,  and  we  are 
collecting  taxes  day  and  night  for  the  support  of  this  Gov 
ernment  We  are  making  those  who  are  hardly  able  to  pay, 
contribute.  Now,  if  the  Government  can  make  money  it 
self,  why  should  it  collect  taxes  even  from  the  poor?  Here 
is  a  man  cultivating  a  farm — he  is  working  among  the 
stones  and  roots  and  digging;  why  should  the  Government 
go  to  that  man  and  make  him  pay  $20  or  $30  or  $10  taxes 
when  the  Government,  according  to  the  theory  of  these 
gentlemen,  could  make  a  $1,000  note  quicker  than  that  man 
could  wink?  Why  impose  on  industry  in  that  manner? 
Why  should  the  sun  borrow  a  candle?  And  if  the  Govern 
ment  can  create  money,  how  much  should  it  create?  And 
if  it  should  create  it,  who  will  get  it? 

MONEY   HAS   A   QKEAT   LIKING  FOB   MONET. 

A  single  dollar  in  the  pocket  of  a  poor  man  is  lonesome; 
it  never  is  satisfied  until  it  has  found  its  companions. 
Money  gravitates  toward  money,  and  issue  as  much  as  you 
may,  as  much  as  you  will,  the  time  will  come  when  that 
money  will  be  in  the  hands  of  the  industrious,  in  the  hands 
of  the  economical,  in  the  hands  of  the  shrewd,  in  the  handt 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  247 

of  the  cunning;  in  other  words,  in  the  hands  of  capitalists. 
Another  thing:  If  the  Government  can  create  money  sim 
ply  by  stamping  what  they  are  pleased  to  call  its  sover 
eignty  upon  a  piece  of  paper,  why  should  it  waste  that  sov 
ereignty  upon  a  one-dollar  bill;  why  not  create  a  ten-dollar 
bill,  a  hundred,  a  thousand,  a  million?  Why  should  we 
stop?  The  other  day  I  had  a  conversation  with  ooe  of  the 
principal  gentlemen  on  that  side  and  I  told  hfm,  "  When 
ever  you  can  successfully  palm  off  on  a  man  a  bill  of  fare 
for  a  dinner,  I  shall  believe  your  doctrine;  and  when  I  can 
satisfy  the  pangs  of  hunger  by  a  cook-book,  I  shall  join 
your  party.  Only  that  is  money  which  stands  for  labor." 
Only  that  is  money  which  will  buy  in  all  other  directions 
the  result  of  the  same  labor  expended  in  its  production. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  there  is  money  enough  in  the  country 
to  transact  the  business  of  the  country.  As  a  matter  of 
fact,  there  is  more  money  than  is  needed  to  transact  the 
business.  Never  before  in  the  history  of  our  Government 
was  money  so  cheap,  that  is  to  say,  was  interest  so  low, 
never.  There  is  plenty  of  money,  and  we  could  borrow  all, 
all  we  wish,  had  we  the  collaterals.  We  could  borrow  all 
we  wished  if  there  was  some  business  in  which  we  could 
embark  that  promised  a  sure  and  reasonable  return.  If  we 
should  come  to  a  man  who  kept  a  ferry  and  find  his  boat 
on  a  sand-bar  and  the  river  dry,  what  would  he  think  of  us 
should  we  tell  him  he  had  not  enough  boat?  He  would 
probably  reply  that  he  had  plenty  of  boat  but  not  enough 
water.  We  have  plenty  of  money,  not  enough  business. 
The  reason  we  have  not  enough  is,  we  have  not  enough  con 
fidence,  and  the  reason  we  have  not  enough  confidence  is 
that  the  market  is  slowly  falling,  and  the  reason  it  is 
slowly  falling  is  that  it  has  not  yet  quite  resumed,  that  we 
have  not  yet  quite  touched  the  absolute  bed-rock  of  valua- 


248  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

tion.  Another  reason  is  because  those  that  left  the  culti 
vation  of  the  soil  have  not  jet  all  returned,  and  they  are 
living,  some  upon  their  wits,  some  upon  their  relatives, 
some  upon  charity,  and  some  upon  crime. 

INFLATION  AND    CONTRACTION. 

The  next  question  is,  Suppose  the  Government  should 
issue  a  thousand  millions  of  fiat  money,  how  would  it  reg- 
v.late  the  value  thereof  ?  Every  creditor  could  be  forced  to 
take  it,  but  nobody  else.  If  a  man  was  in  debt  $1  for  a 
bushel  of  wheat,  he  could  compel  the  creditor  to  take  the 
fiat  money,  but  if  he  wished  to  buy  the  wheat,  the  owner 
could  say:  "I  will  take  $1  in  gold  or  $50  in  fiat  money,  or 
I  will  not  sell  it  for  that  money  at  any  price."  What  will 
Congress  do  then  ?  In  order  to  make  this  fiat  money  good  it 
will  have  to  fix  the  price  of  every  conceivable  commodity; 
the  price  of  painting  a  picture,  of  trying  a  lawsuit,  of  chis 
eling  a  statue,  the  price  of  a  day's  work,  in  short,  the  price 
of  every  conceivable  thing.  This,  even,  will  not  be- suf 
ficient.  It  will  be  necessary  to  provide  by  law  that  the 
prices  fixed  shall  be  received  and  that  no  man  shall  be 
allowed  to  give  more  for  anything  than  the  price  fixed 
by  Congress.  Now  I  do  not  believe  that  any  Congress  has 
sufficient  wisdom  to  tell  beforehand  what  will  be  the  relative 
value  of  all  the  products  of  labor.  When  the  volume  of 
currency  is  inflated  it  is  at  the  expense  of  the  creditors 
class.  When  it  is  contracted  it  is  at  the  expense  of  the 
debtor  class.  In  other  words,  inflation  means  going  into 
debt,  contraction  means  the  payment  of  the  debt. 

LET   THE   MONET   FADE   OUT. 

Another  remedy  has  been  suggested  by  the  same  persons 
who  advocate  fiat  money.  With  a  consistency  perfectly 
charming,  they  say  it  would  have  been  much  better  had  we 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  249 

allowed  the  treasury  notes  to  fade  out.  Why  allow  fiat 
money  to  facie  out  when  a  simple  act  of  Congress  can  make 
it  as  good  as  gold?  When  greenbacks  fade  out  the  loss  falls 
upon  the  chance  holder;  upon  the  poor,  the  industrious,  and 
the  unfortunate.  The  rich,  the  cunning,  the  well-informed 
manage  to  get  rid  of  what  they  happen  to  hold.  When, 
however,  the  bills  are  redeemed  they  are  sold  by  the  wealth 
and  property  of  the  whole  country.  To  allow  them  to  :ade 
out  is  universal  robbery,  to  pay  them  is  universal  justice. 
The  greenback  should  not  be  allowed  to  fade  away  in  the 
pocket  of  the  soldier,  or  in  the  hands  of  his  widow  and 
children.  It  is  said  that  the  continental  money  faded 
away,  and  it  was  and  is  a  disgrace  to  our  forefathers.  When 
the  greenback  fades  away,  there  will  fade  with  it  honor 
from  the  American  heart,  brain  from  the  American  Lead, 
and  our  flag  from  the  air  of  heaven. 

BONDHOLDERS. 

A  great  cry  has  'been  raised  against  the  holders  of  bonds. 
They  hare  been  denounced  by  every  epithet  that  malignity 
can  coin.  During  the  war  our  bonds  were  offered  for  sale, 
and  they  brought  all  that  they  then  appeared  to  be  worth. 
They  had  to  be  sold,  or  the  rebellion  was  a  success.  To  the 
bond  we  are  indebted  as  much  as  to  the  greenback.  The 
fact  is.  however,  we  are  indebted  to  neither;  we  are  in 
debted  to  the  soldiers.  But  every  man  who  took  a  green 
back  at  less  than  gold  committed  the  same  crime,  and  no 
other,  as  he  who  bought  the  bonds  at  less  than  par  in  gold. 
These  bonds  have  changed  hands  thousands  of  times.  They 
have  been  paid  for  in  gold  again  and  again.  They  have  been 
bought  at  prices  far  above  par,  they  have  been  laid  away  by 
loving  husbands  for  wives^ by  toiling  fathers  for  children, 
»w4  the  man  who  seeks  to  repudiate  them  now,  or  to  pay 


250  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

them  in  fiat  rags,  is  unspeakably  cruel  and  dishonest.  If  the 
government  has  made  a  bad  bargain,  it  mnst  live  up  to  it. 
If  it  has  made  a  foolish  promise,  the  only  way  is  to  fulfill 
it  A  dishonest  government  can  exist  only  among  dishon 
est  people.  When  our  money  is  below  par,  we  feel  below 
par.  We  cannot  bring  prosperity  simply  by  adding  to  the 
volume  of  a  worthless  currency.  If  the  prosperity  of  a 
country  depends  upon  the  volume  of  its  currency,  and  if 
anything  is  money  that  people  can  be  made  to  think  is 
money,  then  the  successful  counterfeiter  is  a  public  bene 
factor.  The  counterfeiter  increases  the  volume  of  currency, 
he  stimulates  business,  and  the  money  issued  by  him  will 
not  be  hoarded  and ^taken  from  the  channels  of  business. 

THE   WAY   OUT. 

During  the  war,  during  the  inflation — that  is  to  say, 
during  the  years  that  we  were  going  into  debt, — fortunes 
were  made  so  easily  that  the  people  left  the  farms,  crowded 
to  the  towns  and  cities.  Thousands  became  speculators, 
traders  and  merchants;  thousands  embarked  in  every  pos 
sible  and  conceivable  scheme.  They  produced  nothing, 
they  simply  preyed  upon  labor,  and  dealt  with  imaginary 
values.  These  men  must  go  back;  they  must  become  pro 
ducers,  and  every  producer  is  a  paying  consumer.  Thou 
sands  and  thousands  of  them  are  unable  to  get  back.  To  a 
man  who  begs  of  you  a  breakfast  you  cannot  say:  "Why 
don't  you  get  a  farm!"  You  might  as  well  say,  "Why 
don't  you  start  a  line  of  steamers? "  To  him  both  are  im- 
possilities.  They  must  be  helped.  We  shall  all  remember 
that  society  must  support  all  of  its  members,  all  of  its  rob 
bers,  thieves  and  paupers.  Every  vagabond  and  vagrant 
has  to  be  fed  and  clothed,  and  society  must  support  in  some 
way  all  of  its  members.  It  can  support  them  in  jails,  in 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  2$  I 

asylums,  in  hospitals,  in  penitentiaries,  but  it  is  a  very  costly 
way.  We  have  to  employ  judges  to  try  them,  juries  to  sit 
upon  their  cases,  sheriffs,  marshals  and  constables  to  ar 
rest  them,  policemen  to  watch  them,  and  it  may  be  at  last  a 
standing  army  to  put  them  down.  It  would  be  far  cheaper, 
probably,  to  support  them  at  some  first-class  hotel.  We 
must  either  support  them,  or  help  them  support  themselves. 
They  let  us  go  upon  the  one  hand  simply  to  take  us  by  the 
other,  and  we  can  take  care  of  them  as  paupers  and  crimi 
nals,  or  by  wise  statesmanship  help  them  to  be  honest  and 
useful  men.  Of  all  the  criminals  transported  by  England 
to  Australia  and  Tasmania,  the  records  show  that  a  very 
large  per  cent,  something  over  90,  became  useful  and  de 
cent  people.  In  Australia  they  found  homes;  hope  again 
spread  its  wings  in  their  breasts.  They  had  different  am 
bitions;  they  were  removed  from  vile  and  vicious  associa 
tions.  They  had  new  surroundings,  and,  as  a  rule,  man 
does  not  improve  without  a  corresponding  improvement  in 
his  physical  condition.  One  biscuit  with  plenty  of  butter 
is  worth  all  the  tracts  ever  issued. 

THE   CHARITY   OF   EXTRAVAGANCE. 

Whenever  the  laboring  men  are  out  of  employment  they 
begin  to  hate  the  rich.  They  feel  that  the  dwellers  in  pal 
aces,  the  riders  in  carriages,  the  wearers  of  broadcloth,  silk 
and  velvet,  have  in  some  way  been  robbing  them.  As  a 
matter  of  fact,  the  palace-builders  are  the  friends  of  labor. 
The  best  form  of  charity  is  extravagance.  When  you  give 
a  man  money,  when  you  toss  him  a  dollar,  although  you 
get  nothing,  the  man  loses  his  manhood.  To  help  others 
help  themselves  is  the  only  real  charity.  There  is  no  use 
boosting  a  man  who  is  not  climbing.  Whenever  I  see  a 
splendid  home — a  palace — a  magnificent  block — I  think  of 
the  thousands  who  were  fed,— of  the  women  and  children 


COL.  INGERSOLLS 

clothed,  of  the  firesides  made  happy.  A  rich  man  living 
up  to  his  privileges,  having  the  best  house,  the  best  furni 
ture,  the  best  horses,  the  finest  grounds,  the  most  beautiful 
flowers,  the  best  clothes,  the  best  food,  the  best  pictures, 
and  all  the  books  that  he  can  afford,  is  a  perpetual  blessing. 
The  prodigality  of  the  rich  is  the  providence  of  the  poor. 

The  extravagance  of  wealth  makes  it  possible  for  the  poor 
to  save.  The  rich  man  who  lives  according  to  his  mea:i>, 
who  is  extravagant  in  the  best  and  highest  sense,  is  not  the 
enemy  of  labor. 

The  miser  who  lives  in  a  hovel,  wears  rags,  and  hoard> 
his  gold,  is  a  perpetual  curse.  He  is  like  one  who  dams  a 
river  at  its  source. 

The  moment  hard  times  come,  the  cry  of  economy  is 
raised.  The  press,  the  platform,  and  the  pulpit  unite  in 
recommending  economy  to  the ;  rich.  In  consequence  of 
this  cry  the  man  of  wealth  discharges  servants,  sells  his 
horses,  allows  his  carriage  to  become  a  hen-roost,  and, 
after  taking  employment  from  as  many  as  he  can,  con 
gratulates  himself  that  he  has  done  his  part  toward  restor 
ing  prosperity  to  the  country. 

In  that  country  where  the  poor  are  extravagant  and  the 
rich  economical  will  be  found  pauperism  and  crime,  but 
where  the  poor  are  economical  and  the  rich  are  extrava 
gant,  that  country  is  filled  with  prosperity. 

LABOR-SAVING  MACHINERY. 

Every  man  ought  to  be  willing  to  pay  for  what  he  gets. 
lie  ought  to  desire  to  give  full  value  received.  The  man 
uho  wants  $2  worth  of  work  for  $1  is  not  an  honest  man. 
The  man  who  wants  others  to  work  to  such  an  extent  that 
their  lives  are  burdens  is  utterly  heartless.  The  toil  of  the 
world  should  continually  decrease.  Of  what  use  are  your 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  253 

inventions  if  no  burden  is  lifted  from  industry!  If  no  ad 
ditional  comforts  find  their  way  to  the  home  of  labor? 

"Why  should  labor  fill  the  world  with  wealth  and  live  in 
want? 

Every  labor-saving  machine  should  help  the  whole  world. 
Every  one  should  tend  to  shorten  the  hours  of  labor. 

Reasonable  labor  is  a  source  of  joy.  To  work  for  wife 
and  child,  to  toil  for  those  you  love  is  happiness,  provided  you 
can  make  them  happy.  But  to  work  like  a  slave,  to  see 
your  wife  and  children  in  rags,  to  sit  at  a  table  where  food  is 
coarse  and  scarce,  to  rise  at  four  in  the  morning,  to  work 
all  day  and  throw  your  tired  bones  upon  a  miserable  bed  at 
night,  to  live  without  leisure,  without  rest,  without  making 
those  you  love  comfortable  and  happy, — this  is  not  living, 
it  is  dying,  a  slow,  lingering  crucifixion. 

The  hours  of  labor  should  be  shortened.  With  the  vast 
and  wonderful  improvements  of  the  nineteenth  century 
there  should  be  not  only  the  necessaries  of  life  for  those 
who  toil,  but  comforts  and  luxuries  as  well. 

What  is  a  reasonable  price  for  labor  ?  I  answer:  Such 
a  price  as  will  enable  the  man  to  live;  to  have  the  comforts 
of  life;  to  lay  by  something  for  his  declining  years;  so  that 
he  can  have  his  own  home,  his  own  fireside, — so  that  he  can 
preserve  the  feelings  of  a  man. 

I  sympathize  with  every  honest  effort  made  by  the  chil 
dren  of  labor  to  improve  their  condition.  That  is  a  poorly- 
governed  country  in  which  those  who  do  the  most  have  the 
least.  There  is  something  wrong  when  men  are  obliged  to 
bog  for  leave  to  toil.  We  are  not  yet  a  civilized  people. 
When  we  are,  pauperism  and  crime  will  vanish  from  our 
land. 


254  COL-  INGERSOLL'S 

THE  POOR  HAVE  A   CHANGE. 

There  is  one  thing,  however,  of  which  I  am  glad  and 
proud,  and  that  is,  that  society  is  not,  in  our  country,  pet 
rified;  that  the  poor  are  not  always  poor.  The  children  of 
the  poor  of  this  generation  may  and  probably  will  be  the 
rich  of  the  next.  The  sons  of  the  rich  of  this  generation 
may  be  the  poor  of  the  next;  so  that,  after  all,  the  rich  fear 
and  the  poor  hope. 

It  is  the  glory  of  the  United  States  that  the  poor  man 
can  take  his  boy  upon  his  knee  and  say:  "  My  son,  all  the 
avenues  to  distinction  are  open  to  you.  You  can  rise. 
There  is  no  station,  no  position,  to  which  you  may  not 
aspire.  The  poverty  of  your  father  will  not  be  a  mill-stone 
about  your  neck.  The  public  schools  are  open  to  you.  For 
you  there  are  education,  honor,  fame,  and  prosperity." 
These  thoughts  render  holy  every  drop  of  sweat  that  rolls 
down  the  face  of  honest  toil. 

TEAMP8. 

I  sympathize  with  the  wanderers,  with  the  vagrants  ont 
of  employment,  with  the  sad  and  weary  men  who  are  seek 
ing  for  work.  When  I  see  one  of  these  men,  poor  and 
friendless — no  matter  how  bad  he  is,  I  think  that  some 
body  loved  him  once — that  he  was  once  held  in  the  arms 
of  a  mother — that  he  slept  beneath  her  loving  eyes  and 
wakened  in  the  light  of  her  smile.  I  see  him  in  the  cradle, 
listening  to  lullabies,  sung  soft  and  low,  and  his  little  face 
is  dimpled  as  though  touched  by  the  rosy  fingers  of  joy. 
And  then  I  think  of  the  strange  and  winding  paths — the 
weary  roads  he  has  traveled  from  that  mother's  arms  to 
vagrancy  and  want. 

There  should  be  labor  and  food  for  all.  We  inv  nt 
We  take  advantage  of  the  forces  of  nature.  We  enslave 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  2$$ 

the  winds  and  waves.  "We  put  shackles  upon  the  unseen 
powers.  These  slaves  should  release  from  bondage  all  the 
sons  of  men. 

CONCLUSION. 

Now,  I  have  said  nothing  to-night  about  the  politics  of 
your  State.  It  is  nothing  to  me.  The  people  of  Massa 
chusetts  have  ability  enough  to  attend  to  their  own  affairs, 
and  any  one  of  the  gentlemen  running,  no  doubt,  if  he  is 
elected  Governor,  has  plenty  of  genius  to  attend  to  the 
pardoning  of  criminals  in  this  State  and  the  other  routine 
duties  of  Governor.  I  have  nothing  to  say  about  that; 
but  I  implore  you  do  not  imagine  wealth  can  be  created  by 
law;  I  implore  you  do  not  preach  the  heresy  that  you  can 
pay  one  promise  by  making  another  that  you  take  your 
oath  never  to  fulfill.  Do  not,  I  implore  you,  teach  the 
people  that  the  rich  have  conspired  to  trample  them  in  tiie 
dust. 

Since  1873  thousands  of  millions  of  articles  have  been 
made  that  could  not  be  sold,  and  I  may  say  that  a  majority 
of  the  men  who  have  been  employed  are  bankrupts  to-day. 
Let  us  be  honest,  let  us  teach  others  to  be  honest,  and  let  us 
tell  these  men  not  to  envy  the  man  who  lias  been  success 
ful.  That  is  not  right;  there  is  no  sense  in  that.  Let  each 
one  rely  upon  himself  and  help  others  all  he  can,  and  let  all 
understand  that  we  are  entering  upon  an  era  of  prosperity 
such  as  America  never  knew  before. 

We  are  a  great  people;  we  are  a  free  people;  we  make 
our  own  laws;  we  have  the  power  in  our  own  hands;  we  can 
protect  ourselves,  and  I  beg  the  laboring  men  to  see  that  the 
laws  are  all  enforced.  We  want  honest  money,  so  that  a 
man  who  gets  a  little  laid  by  for  wife  and  children  when 
he  is  dead,  that  it  will  be  a  consolation  to  him,  so  that  he 


COL.  INGERSOLL'S 


will  know  it  will  stay  good  after  he  is  Jead;  that  it  will  in 
some  degree  take  his  place  and  buy  food  and  clothing,  so 
that  he  will  not  be  compelled  to  close  his  eyes  on  fiat 
money. 

If  it  is  ever  issued,  it  will  never  be  redeemed.  If  it  is 
ever  issued  it  will  bring  about  inflation,  that  will  bring 
about  universal  repudiation.  It  will  end  in  National  dis 
honor.  If  there  is  any  State  in  the  Union  that  will  help 
save  our  country  from  the  crime  of  repudiation,  it  is  the 
glorious  old  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts. 


2$ 8  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 


Speech  at  Lewiston,  Me.,  Aug.  21, 1876, 

An  immense  mass-meeting  of  .Republicans  was  held  in 
Lewiston,  Me.,  August  21,  1876,  when  speeches  were  made 
by  Gov.  Connor  and  Col.  Robert  G.  Ingersoll,  of  Illinois. 
There  was  great  curiosity  to  hear  the  latter  gentleman,  and 
his  appearance  was  greeted  with  loud  applause.  It  is  safe 
to  say  no  one  was  disappointed.  He  kept  the  audience  in 
a  perpetual  roar  of  laughter  for  nearly  two  hours.  The 
main  portions  of  his  speech  are  given  below,  taken  from 
the  Lewiston  Journal: 

THE   REPUBLICAN   PARTY   AND   THE   SLAVES. 

LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN: — I  belong  to  the  Republican 
party,  and  I  am  glad  of  it,  and  I  will  give  you  a  few 
reasons  why  I  am  glad  of  it.  The  Republican  party  is  the 
conscience  of  the  nineteenth  century.  What  was  the  con 
dition  of  the  country  when  the  Republican  party  came  into 
power?  I  know  there  are  those  with  envenomed  tongue 
who  denounce  this  party;  men  who,  if  they  had  their  own 
way,  would  not  have  allowed  us  to  have  a  country  to-day. 
The  Democratic  party  made  it  the  duty  of  every  citizen  to 
hunt  fugitive  slaves  seeking  liberty.  Such  a  law  would 
disgrace  the  statute-books  of  hell.  (Laughter.)  No  man 
ever  voted  for  such  a  law  who  was  not  a  rascal.  I  intend 
to  tell  the  truth  if  I  am  strong  enough,  and  I  tell  you  I 
have  an  excellent  constitution.  (Laughter.) 

This  crime  crept  up  into  the  Supreme  Court.  That 
Court  was  a  farce.  I  know  all  about  it.  In  1861,  if  a 
negro  had  planted  corn  and  the  crop  was  ready  for  harvest, 
and  a  Democrat  had  come  along  to  steal  it,  the  Supreme 
Court  would  hav>  decided  with  their  spectacles  pusla-d 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  259 

back  on  their  bald  pates,  that  the  corn  belonged  to  the 
Democrat.  (Loud  applause.)  This  was  the  spirit  of  the 
good  old  party  of  reform.  (Loud  applause.)  Imagine  the 
condition  we  were  in  when  the  Republicans  came  into 
power.  Justice  and  mercy  were  vagrants.  At  the  North 
the  Democrats  were  willing  to  give  anything  for  an  office. 
The  Southern  States  took  up  arms, — took  up  arms  for 
what?  Why,  for  the  right  to  steal  from  four  millions  of 
people  of  different  color.  I  believe  I  am  superior  to  the 
black  man — and  so  superior  that  I  can  get  my  living  with 
out  robbing  him.  (Laughter.)  The  Democratic  party 
commenced  the  war  against  the  Union.  The  question  was. 
Are  you  for  or  against  the  Union?  The  Republican  party 
offered  all  that  it  could, — it  almost  got  into  the  dirt, — but 
the  South  rushed  to  war.  The  great  Republican  party  and 
every  Union-loving  Democrat  in  the  North  struck  hands 
to  fight  for  the  Union.  Are  you  sorry  the  Republican 
party  won  in  1860?  Are  you  sorry  the  great  Lincoln  was 
elected  President?  He  was  almost  the  only  man  who, 
having  absolute  power,  never  abused  it  except  OD  the  side 
of  mercy. 

BBWABB   OF   BACHELORS. 

Then  there's  Buchanan;  an  old  bachelor,  and,  for  God's 
sake,  never  trust  another.  I  wouldn't  trust  a  man  who 
don't  love  a  wife  better  than  politics.  (Great  laughter.) 
Buchanan  said,  "  I  can't  do  anything."  He  fell  back  on 
State  Rights.  Now,  I  claim  nobody  ever  urged  that  doc 
trine  who  didn't  want  to  steal  something  from  somebody. 
(Laughter.)  It  was  called  up  when  the  South  wanted  to 
secede.  Buckle  up  your  coat  when  they  talk  State  Rights, 
— your  pocket-book  is  in  danger.  They  believe  the  United 
States  is  a  simple  partnership,  and  that  when  any  member 


260  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

of  the  firm  wants  to  set  up  business  on  his  own  account  he 
may  go  ouf.  Now,  what  has  the  Democratic  party  been 
doing  all  these  years"?  The  Republican  party  has  its  book 
open.  The  Democratic  party  says:  "For  God's  sake,  let 
our  pedigree  alone."  (Laughter.)  I  say  let's  examine  the 
pedigree.  The  Democratic  party  was  opposed  to  the  war; 
that  ought  to  damn  them  eternally.  I  would  be  willing  to 
let  them  end  a  little  short,  but  politically  eternally. 
(Laughter.)  The  Democratic  party  opposed  the  means  to 
put  the  war  down ;  they  swore  the  debt  never  ought  to  be 
paid.  They  tried  to  impair  the  National  credit.  The 
Democratic  party  said:  "  Don't  buy  a  bond;  the  South  will 
succeed."  If  the  Democratic  party  had  had  its  way,  the 
soldiers  in  the  field  would  not  have  been  paid.  They 
ought  (politically)  to  be  damned  for  that.  (Laughter.) 
How  many  Democrats  were  delighted  every  time  the  Union 
army  was  defeated!  (Voice,  "That's  so.")  That's  a  fact 
I  don't  tell  it  as  news  (laughter),  but  simply  to  refresh 
your  memories. 

WHAT   MORE? 

The  Democratic  party  tried  to  get  up  a  fire  in  the  rear  of 
Canada.  Jake  Thompson  had  $700,000  from  the  Confed 
eracy  to  operate  in  Canada  in  conjunction  with  Northern 
Democrats.  The  Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle  in  Indiana 
and  Illinois  received  money  from  Jake  Thompson.  He 
hired  men  to  fire  New  York  and  Cincinnati.  He  furnished 
pistols  to  those  men  in  boxes  marked  "  Sunday-school 
books."  I  have  right  here  a  copy  of  Jake  Thompson's 
letter  in  which  he  speaks  of  the  danger  of  his  letters  falling 
into  loyal  hands;  for,  says  he,  they  will  implicate  leading 
men  in  the  North.  What  kind  of  leading  men!  Northern 
Democrats, — friends  of  honesty  and  reform,  gentlemen. 
(Laughter  and  tremendous  cheering.) 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  26 1 

AN  EXTRACT   FROM     DEMOCRATIC     PEDIGREE. 

I  was  at  Peoria,  111.,  when  the  Democrats  held  their  con 
vention.  "  Brothers,"  they  said,  "  let  us  put  down  that  ty 
rant,  Lincoln."  They  were  for  peace,  they  said,  and  all  the 
time  they  had  Jake  Thompson's  pistols  in  their  pockets. 
(Laughter.)  That  was  the  first  meeting  held  in  the  interest 
of  an  uprising  to  aid  the  South.  But  Yallandigham  told 
them,  "  We'll  elect  McClellan  and  that'll  accomplish  by 
ballot  what  is  proposed  to  do  by  force."  Jake  Thompson 
laments  the  failure  of  his  attempt  to  burn  New  York  with 
Greek  fire.  That's  what  the  Democrats  were  doing  in  1864. 
Recollect  when  I  speak  of  the  Democratic  party  I  mean 
the  men  who  did  these  things.  I  am  sorry  to  see  men  good 
and  true,  and  loyal,  who  are  with  the  Democrats  still,  and 
who  are  trying  to  make  them  respectable.  My  voice  has  no 
word  against  those  men,  do  whatever  they  do,  who  faced 
shot  and  shell  for  the  Union.  I  do  not  stigmatize  them.  I 
do  not  allude  to  the  true  and  loyal  Democrats,  but  to  those 
Democrats  who  are  Democrats  from  mere  cussedness. 
(Laughter.)  How  came  it  to  this?  Is  a  man  to  be 
ashamed  for  having  fought  the  Democratic  party  with 
shot  and  shell?  Will  the  time  ever  come  when 
these  scars  worn  by  Gov.  Connor  shall  be  a  disgrace 
to  him  ?  Shall  the  time  come  when  we  shall  not  men 
tion  the  struggles  of  our  boys  and  defend  their  scars? 
It  never  can  cornel  But  I  say  if  the  Democratic  party  gets 
the  power,  the  Union  soldier  will  have  to  hide  his  scars.  If 
Samuel  J.  Tilden  is  elected  President,  he  will  be  the  tool 
and  instrument  of  the  Southern  Democracy.  Did  the 
Southern  Democracy  ever  allow  the  Northern  Democracy  to 
manage?  They  never  did  and  they  never  will.  After  the  war 
was  over  the  Republicans  told  the  negro  he  was  free,  and 


262  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

he  canst  be  a  citizen  and  have  the  ballot.  The  Democrat 
ic  party  voted  against  all  these  measures.  Mr.  Hendricks 
spoke  in  the  United  States  Senate,  and  said  there  was  no 
power  in  the  people  to  change  the  constitution  and  make 
the  slave  free.  He  to-day  believes  these  persons  were  un 
lawfully  deprived  of  their  property,  and  he  will  vote  to 
pay  them  for  their  property. 

RESPONSIBILITY   FOB  THE   HARD  TIMES. 

It  is  some  trouble  to  get  up  a  Republican.  You've  got 
to  build  school-houses.  If  you  want  to  make  Democrats, 
tear  them  down.  If  you  want  to  make  a  Democrat,  appeal 
to  prejudices  or  appeal  to  hard  times.  A  Democrat  in 
Illinois  thinks  the  chinch-bug  comes  of  the  Republican 
administration.  Who  made  the  times  hard?  Who  made 
it  necessary  for  the  United  States  to  borrow  money?  The 
Democratic  party,  North  and  South.  And  now  they  say 
we  ought  to  have  whipped  for  less.  Hard  times!  You 
will  see  what  hard  times  mean  if  you  get  the  Democratic 
party  into  power.  We've  got  down  to  hard-pan.  And  we 
are  already  in  the  light  of  the  dawn  of  a  revived  business. 
Why?  Because  the  Republican  party  is  bent  on  seeing  a 
gold  dollar  and  in  resuming  specie  payment  at  the  ap 
pointed  time.  The  Republican  pa^ty,  I  say,  will  pay  the 
debt,  and  protect  all  men.  The  Democratic  party  can  find 
no  flaw  in  the 

RECORD   OF   MR.  HATES. 

He  will  carry  out  the  doctrines  of  the  Republican  party. 
If  Tilden  is  elected,  he  will  be  controlled  by  the  Demo 
cratic  party.  Which  party  will  you  trust?  I  tell  you,  gen 
tlemen,  you  must  stand  by  the  Republican  party.  What 
was  Mr.  Tilden  doing  when  Mr.  Hayes  was  fighting  for  his 
country!  Mr.  Tilden  was  resolving  the  war  a  failure. 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  263 

What  is  Mr.  Tilden  to-day?  An  attorney-at-law;  an  old 
bachelor.  There  is  no  more  flesh  and  blood  on  him  than 
on  an  old  umbrella.  (Great  merriment.)  He  is  one  of 
those  oily  attorneys  you  see  depicted  on  the  stage.  He  is 
a  demurrer.  (Great  laughter.)  He  never  courted  a  woman 
because  women  can't  vote.  (Merriment.)  Lately  he  has 
adopted  a  rag-baby  that  really  belongs  to  Hendricks. 
(Prolonged  laughter.)  He  is  now  spending  his  time  ex 
plaining  how  he  adopted  it.  (Laughter.) 

PLAIN  TRUTHS    FOB   THE    DEMOCRATS. 

I  know  the  State  in  which  an  audience  like  this  can  col 
lect  can  never  elect  a  Democrat  for  Governor.  I  know  you 
will  re-elect  Gov.  Connor  by  a  rousing  majority.  (Ap 
plause.)  There  is  not  a  State  prison  in  this  country  but 
votes  for  Tilden  and  Hendricks.  In  the  State  prison  of 
Maine  last  year  there  was  but  one  convict  who  ever  voted 
anything  but  the  Democratic  ticket,  and  I'll  bet*  a  thousand 
dollars  he  was  wrongfully  sent  up.  (Loud  laughter  and  ap 
plause.)  The  weeds  will  grow  even  in  the  streets,but  the  corn 
needs  care.  The  weeds  are  hard  to  kill.  And  it's  hard  to 
kill  the  Democrats.  They  can  only  be  exterminated  by 
education  and  thought.  "When  a  man  begins  to  grow  con 
tinental  in  thought  and  have  sympathy,  then  he  says  he 
will  give  every  other  man  the  same  chance  in  the  world 
that  he  asks  for  himself.  Nature  has  made  inequalities 
enough.  Some  people  are  born  with  few  brains — some  of 
them  you  can  find  in  the  Democratic  party  by  close  inspec 
tion.  (Laughter.)  Why  should  men  add  artificial  ine 
qualities?  All  men  are  of  the  same  race.  All  men  who 
are  for  other  men  must  stand  together.  Governments 
should  be  for  all,  and  should  protect  white  and  black  alike. 

Kow,  don't  forget  to  tell  the  Democrats  the  whole  truth — 


264 


COL.   INGEK5OLLS 


tell  them  in  a  Christian  spirit,  jnst  as  I  do.  When  they  tell 
you  let  by-gones  be  by-gones,  don't  do  it.  They  have 
copied  our  platform,  but  don't  trust  it;  it  hasn't  the  right 
signature.  It  makes  all  the  difference  whether  a  bankrupt 
or  a  banker  signs  a  note.  The  Republican  party  has  done 
what  it  could.  Tell  the  Democrats  the  truth.  I'm  afraid 
you  will  Ibr^et  it.  (Laughter.)  The  Republican  party  will 
pay  the  debt  and  protect  all  men.  Remember  that,  too. 
I  want  every  man  here  to  recollect  Tilden  is  half  a  man, 
half  a  pair  of  scissors.  (Laughter.)  Where  would  we  have 
been  if  we'd  all  been  old  bachelors?  (Loud  laughter  and 
applause.)  I  am  glad  that  we  have  a  party  on  whose  brow 
is  the  eternal  sunrise;  that  we  have  a  party  of  freedom, 
pledged  to  the  progress  and  elevation  of  the  human  race, 
and  pledged  to  stand  by  the  divine  rights  of  man. 


265 


'FAR  FROM  THE  MADDING  CROWD." 


266  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

Speech  at  Rockford,  111.,  Sept.  28,  1880. 

(Chicago  Tribune,  Sept.  £9,  1880.) 

The  Republicans  of  Rockford,  or  rather  of  W'innebago 
and  the  adjoining  counties,  gathered  to  the  number  of  6,000 
on  the  fair-grounds  to  listen  to  a  speech  bj  Col.  R.  G. 
Ingersoll.  In  addition  to  a  general  outpour  of  the 
citizens  of  that  place,  there  were  large  delegations  from 
Belvidere,  Elgin,  Aurora,  Rochelle,  Pecatonica,  Freeport, 
Sycamore,  Dixon,  Janesville  and  Beloit.  Col.  R.  G.  In 
gersoll  arrived  at  2  o'clock,  and  was  escorted  to  the  depot 
by  the  Committee  of  Arrangements.  After  some  songs  by 
the  Illinois  Campaign  Glee  Club,  of  Chicago,  Col.  Inger 
soll  was  introduced  by  R.  G.  Crawford,  the  presiding 
officer,  and  talked  for  two  and  a  quarter  hours,  making  a 
brilliant  speech,  which  was  perpetually  interrupted  by  the 
laughter  and  applause  of  his  hearers. 

ME.    INGERSOLL    SPOKE   AB   FOLLOWS! 

LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN: — In  the  first  place  I  wish  to  ad 
mit  that  Democrats  and  Republicans  have  an  equal  in 
terest  in  this  country;  that  it  belongs  to  us  all,  and  that 
they  are  as  deeply  interested  in  the  preservation  of  this 
form  of  government  as  we  can  be.  I  admit,  too,  that  most 
of  them  are  honest  in  their  convictions,  and  I  do  not  wish 
to  address  myself  to  a  Democrat  who  is  not  honestly  one. 
There  is  no  reason  in  wasting  reasons  upon  a  man  who  is 
dishonest,  not  the  slightest.  (Cheers.)  Neither  do  I  be 
lieve  it  is  possible  to  make  a  vote  in  any  civilized  country 
by  misrepresenting  the  facts.  Neither  do  I  believe  it  ia 
possible  to  influence  a  solitary  man  who  has  got  any  sense, 
by  slander  or  vituperation.  That  time  has  gone  by,  and  J 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  167 

do  not  iatend  to  say  one  word  that  every  Democrat  present 
will  not  be  willing  to  say  is  true.  (Applause.)  1  do  not 
intend  to-day  to  express  a  solitary  sentiment  that  every 
Democrat  will  not  give  three  cheers  for  in  his  heart 
("  Hear  I  "  "  Hear! ")  We  are  all,  I  say,  equally  interested 
— Democrats,  and  Republicans,  and  Greenbackers  alike. 
We  all  want  a  good  Government.  If  we  do  not,  we  should 
have  none.  We  all  want  to  live  in  a  land  where  the  law  is 
supreme.  We  desire  to  live  beneath  a  flag  that  will  protect 
every  citizen  beneath  its  fold.  We  desire  to  be  citizens  of  a 
Government  so  great  and  so  grand  that  it  will  command  the 
respect  of  the  civilized  world.  Most  of  us  are  convinced 
that  our  Government  is  the  best  upon  this  earth.  It  is  the 
only  Government  where  manhood,  and  manhood  alone,  is 
not  made  simply  a  condition  of  citizenship,  but  where  man 
hood,  and  manhood  alone,  permits  its  possessor  to  have  his 
e^nal  share  in  control  of  the  Government.  (Cheers.)  It  is 
the  only  country  in  the  world  where  poverty  is  upon  an  ex 
act  equality  with  wealth,  so  far  as  controlling  the  destinies 
of  the  Republic  is  concerned.  It  is  the  only  Nation  where  a 
man  clothed  in  a  rag  stands  upon  equality  with  the  one 
wearing  purple.  It  is  the  only  Government  in  the  world 
where,  politically,  the  hut.  is  upon  an  equality  with  the 
palace.  (Cheers.) 

MANLY  VOTING. 

For  that  reason  every  poor  man  should  stand  by  that 
Government,  and  every  poor  man  who  does  not  is  a  traitor 
to  the  best  interests  of  his  children;  every  poor  man  who 
does  not  is  willing  that  his  children  should  bear  the  badge 
of  political  inferiority;  and  the  only  way  to  make  this  Gov 
ernment  a  complete  and  perfect  success,  is  for  the  poorest 
man  to  think  as  much  of  his  manhood  as  the  millionaire 


268  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

does  of  his  wealth.  (Applause.)  A  man  does  not  vote  in 
this  country  simply  because  he  is  rich;  he  does  not  vote  in 
this  country  simply  because  he  has  an  education;  he  does 
not  vote  simply  because  he  has  talent  or  genius;  we 
say  that  he  votes  because  he  is  a  man,  and  that  he  has  his 
manhood  to  support;  and  we  admit  in  this  country  that 
nothing  can  be  more  valuable  to  any  human  being  than  hig 
manhood.  (Loud  applause.)  And  for  that  reason  we  put 
poverty  on  an  equality  with  wealth.  "We  say  in  this  coun 
try  manhood  is  worth  more  than  gold.  We  say  in  this 
country  that  without  liberty  the  Nation  is  not  worth  pre 
serving.  (Applause.)  Now,  I  appeal  to  every  poor  man; 
I  appeal  to-day  to  every  laboring  man,  and  I  ask  him,  Is 
there  another  country  on  this  globe  where  you  can  have 
your  equal  rights  with  others?  (Cries  of  "No.")  Now, 
then,  in  every  country,  no  matter  how  good  it  is,  and  no 
matter  how  bad  it  is — in  every  country  there  is  something 
worth  preserving,  and  there  is  something  that  ought  to  be 
destroyed.  Now,  recollect  that  every  voter  is  in  his  own 
right  a  king;  every  voter  in  this  country  wears  a  crown; 
every  voter  in  this  country  has  in  his  own  hands  the  scepter 
of  authority;  and  every  voter,  poor  and  rich,  wears  the  pur 
ple  of  authority  alike.  Recollect  it;  and  the  man  that  will 
sell  his  vote  is  the  man  that  abdicates  the  American  throne. 
The  man  that  sells  his  vote  strips  himself  of  the  imperial 
purple,  throws  away  the  scepter  and  admits  that  he  is  less 
than  a  man.  (Loud  applause  and  cries  of  "That's  so!") 
More  than  that,  the  man  that  will  sell  his  vote  for  prejudice 
or  for  hatred,  the  man  that  will  be  lied  out  of  his  vote,  that 
will  be  slandered  out  of  his  vote,  that  will  be  fooled  out  of 
his  vote,  is  not  worthy  to  be  an  American  citizen.  Now 
let  us  understand  ourselves.  Let  us  endeavor  to  do  what 
is  right;  let  us  say  this  country  is  good — we  will  make  it 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  269 

better;  let  us  say,  if  our  children  do  not  live  in  a  republic 
it  shall  not  be  our  fault. 

TWO  GREAT   PARTIES 

are  asking  for  the  control  of  this  country,  and  it  is  your 
business  and  mine,  first,  to  inquire  into  the  history  of  these 
parties.  We  want  to  know  their  character;  and,  recollect, 
you  cannot  make  character  in  a  day;  you  cannot  make  a 
reputation  by  passing  a  resolution.  If  you  could,  you 
could  reform  every  penitentiary  in  fifteen  minutes  in  the 
United  States.  (Laughter  and  applause.)  The  question  is, 
What  have  these  parties  been  doing?  Not,  what  do  they 
say  now?  That  may  help  to  make  them  a  character  twenty 
years  hence;  but  what  have  they  been  doing  for  the  last 
twenty  years,  and  let  us  be  honest, — honor  bright?  (Laugh 
ter  and  applause.) 

THE   DEMOCRATIC    RECORD. 

In  1860  the  Democratic  party  had  power.  There  was  a 
Democratic  President  of  the  United  States.  Every  Cabinet 
officer  was  a  Democrat;  every  Federal  officer  was  a  Demo 
crat,  every  one,  because  that  party  would  never  allow 
anybody  but  a  Democrat  to  be  in  office,  no  matter  how 
small.  (Laughter  and  applause.)  In  1860  and  1861  a  few 
of  the  Southern  States  said:  "We  will  no  longer  remain  in 
this  Union."  What  did  the  Democratic  party  do?  James 
Buchanan,  with  Judge  Black  for  his  legal  adviser,  solemnly 
declared  not  only  that  the  United  States  could  not  coerce  a 
State,  but  solemnly  decided  that  the  Federal  Government 
could  not  even  protect  its  own  property.  That  was  the 
decision  of  the  highest  officer  in  that  administration.  In 
other  words,  that  Democratic  administration  said 


2/O  COL.    INGERSOLL'i 

THE   UNITED    STATES   OF   AMERICA    ARE   DISSOLVED; 

the  great  Federal  Government  is  dead  forever;  the  experi 
ment  of  our  fathers  has  failed;  the  blood  of  the  Revolution 
was  shed  in  vain; and  here  in  1861,  on  the  jagged  rocks  of 
secession,  the  Ship  of  State  must  go  down  forever.  This 
ia  what  that  party  said  then.  Does  anybody  wish  that 
party  had  remained  in  power?  Does  anybody  to-day  wish 
that  the  advice  of  James  Buchanan  had  been  followed? 
Does  anybody  wish  that  we  at  that  time  had  allowed  the 
flag  of  our  fathers  to  have  been  torn  forever  from  heaven! 
(Cries  of  «  No.") 

A  WAR  COMMENCED. 

The  Republican  party  said :  "  The  Union  must  and  shall 
be  maintained."  Hundreds  and  thousands  of  Democrats 
also  said  the  same  thing.  I  honor  them  for  it,  and  I  never, 
while  I  live,  will  say  a  word  against  any  man  who  fought 
for  our  flag  in  the  sky — never.  (Applause.)  I  admit  to 
day,  and  I  cheerfully  admit,  that  hundreds  of  thousands  of 
Democrats  were  better  than  the  party  to  which  they  be 
longed.  (Applause  and  laughter.)  I  admit  that  the  salt  of 
the  party  left  it.  (Applause.)  I  admit  the  good,  brave 
young  men — men  with  blood  in  their  veins — said,  "  James 
Buchanan  is  a  traitor."  Good  Democrats  said,  "  The  flag 
must  be  preserved,  and  we  will  help  preserve  it."  (Ap 
plause.)  And  I  am  willing  to  admit  to-day  that,  had  it  not 
been  for  these  Democrats,  the  probability  is  we  never  could 
have  put  down  the  Rebellion.  (Applause.)  I  want  to  be 
nonest  about  this  thing.  "What,  though,  did  the  Demo 
cratic  party  do  after  the  decent  men  had  left  it?  (Laughter.) 
When  these  men  who  believed  in  the  preservation  of  the 
Union  had  enlisted,  when  they  had  gone  down  to  the  fields 
of  death  and  glory,  what  did  the  Democrats  they  had  left  at 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  2/1 

home  do  in  1864?  This  Democratic  party  left  at  home, 
j;ist  before  the  dawn  of  universal  victory,  met  in  National 
Convention  and  announced  that  war  for  the  restoration  ol 
the  Union  was  a  failure;  that  is  what  they  did.  What  did 
they  do  in  Indiana?  They  assassinated  Federal  officers, 
they  shot  down  Union  men,  they  entered  into  conspiracies 
for  the  purpose  of  releasing  Rebel  soldiers;  they  were  sup 
plied  with  money  from  Canada.  I  know  it,  and  the  evi 
dence  is  to-day  among  the  Rebel  archives  at  Washington 
that  leaders  of  the  Southern  Confederacy  furnished  money 
to  the  Democrats  of  Illinois  and  Indiana  to  hold  public 
meetings  for  the  purpose  of  influencing  public  opinion 
against  the  Republican  party.  That  is  what  they  did ;  re 
member  it;  do  not  forget  it.  (Laughter.)  When  the  war 
was  over,  what  did  the  Democrats  do?  Now,  I  will  try  to 
tell  the  exact  truth.  (Laughter.) 

EVERY  MAN  WHO  ADVOCATED  SECESSION  WA8  A  DEMOCRAT. 

Every  man  who  drew  a  secession  ordinance  was  a  Demo 
crat;  every  man  who  swore  that  this  great  and  splendid  Gov 
ernment  was  but  a  "  Confederacy  bound  together  by  ropes  of 
sand,"  by  chains  of  mist,  was  a  Democrat;  every  one  who 
wished  to  tear  the  old  flag  out  of  the  sky  was  a  Democrat; 
every  one  who  wished  to  preserve  the  institution  of  slavery  so 
that  babes  could  be  sold  from  their  mothers'  breasts;  every 
one  who  wished  to  make  a  slave  by  robbing  the  cradle;  every 
one  who  wished  to  breed  blood-hounds  to  pursue  fugitive 
slaves;  every  one  who  wanted  Northern  freemen  to  become 
dogs  to  hunt'  slaves;  every  one  who  believed  that  a  lash  upon 
a  naked  back  was  legal  tender  for  labor  performed  (laughter 
and  applause);  every  one  waa  a  Democrat.  Every  one  who 
wished  to  create  a  fire  in  the  rear;  all  who  wanted  to  release 
rebel  prisoners  in  the  North,  that  they  might  burn  down  the 


2/2  COL.   INGERSOLLS 

homes  of  soldiers  then  in  the  front;  every  one  who  wanted 
to  scatter  disease  and  pestilence  in  Northern  cities;  every 
one  who  wished  to  inflict  our  homes  with  yellow  fever; 
every  one  who  wished  to  set  fire  to  the  great  cities  of  the 
North,  knowing  that  the  serpents  of  flame  would  destroy 
women  and  babes;  every  one  who  tried  to  fire  the  boats 
upon  our  rivers;  every  one  was  a  Democrat  (laughter  and 
applause);  and  you  know  it.  (Laughter.)  Every  man  who 
starved  our  soldiers,  every  man  who  shot  a  Union  soldier 
was  a  Democrat;  every  wound  that  a  Union  soldier  has  is  a 
souvenir  of  the  Democratic  party;  and  you  know  it.  (Ap 
plause  and  laughter.)  Every  one  who  fed  our  men  taken 
prisoners  with 

A  CRUST  THAT  THE  WORMS  HAD  EATEN  BEFORE 

was  a  Democrat;  every  man  who  shot  down  our  men  when 
they  happened  to  step  an  inch  beyond  the  dead  line,  every 
one  was  a  Democrat;  and  when  some  poor,  emaciated  Union 
patriot,  driven  to  insanity  by  famine,  saw  at  home  in  his 
innocent  dreams  the  face  of  his  mother,  and  she  seemed  to 
beckon  him  to  come  to  her,  and  he,  following  that  dream, 
stepped  one  inch  beyond  the  dead  line,  the  wretch  who 
put  a  bullet  through  his  throbbing,  loving  heart  was  a  Demo 
crat  (Applause.) 

"We  should  never  forget  these  things.  (A  voice,  "  That's 
so.")  Every  man  who  wept  over  the  corpse  of  slavery; 
every  man  who  was  sorry  when  the  chains  fell  from  four 
millions  of  people;  every  man  who  regretted  to  see  the 
shackles  drop  from  men,  women  and  children,  every  one 
was  a  Democrat.  In  the  House  of  Representatives  and  in 
the  Senate  the  resolution  was  submitted  to  amend  the  Con 
stitution  so  that  every  man  treading  the  soil  of  the  Repub 
lic  should  be  forever  free,  and  every  man  who  voted  against 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  2/3 

it  was  a  Democrat.  Every  man  who  swore  that  greenbacks 
never  would  be  worth  any  more  than  withered  leaves,  every 
man  who  swore  we  would  never  pay  our  bonds,  every  man 
who  slandered  our  credit,  and  prophesied  defeat  was  a  Dem 
ocrat.  Now,  recollect  it.  (Laughter.)  Do  not  forget  it. 
(Renewed  laughter.)  And  if  there  is  any  young  man  here 
who  is  this  fall  to  cast  his  first  vote,  I  beg  of  him,  I  beseech 
him,  not  to  join  that  party  whose  history  for  the  last  twenty 
years  has  been  a  disgrace  to  this  country.  (Cheers.) 

THE   REPUBLICAN   RECORD. 

Now,  on  the  other  hand,  what  has  the  Republican  party 
been  doing  all  this  time?  Aided  and  assisted  by  good 
Democrats,  aided  and  assisted  by  honest  men,  aided  and  as 
sisted  by  the  spirit  of  patriotism  in  this  country,  what  has 
the  Republican  party  been  doing?  In  the  first  place,  our 
party  preserved  this  Government.  ("  Yes,  sir.")  Had  it 
not  been  for  the  Republican  party  the  United  States  of 
America  would  not  still  enrich  and  glorify  the  map  of  the 
world.  ("  You  are  right.")  Had  it  not  been  for  the  Re 
publican  party  the  old  banner  of 

STARS     AND     STRIPES 

would  not  now  be  floating  in  heaven.  (Cheers.)  The  Re 
publican  party  issued  the  money;  the  Republican  pertj 
swore  it  was  good,  and  the  Republican  party  swore  it  shoald 
be  paid.  The  Republican  party  issued  the  bonds  made  necefe 
sary  by  the  Democracy,  and  the  Republicans  not  only  said 
"  W  ewill  whip  you,"  but  "  "We  will  pay  the  costs  our 
selves."  (Laughter.)  It  cost  at  least  six  thousand  millions 
of  dollars,  a  pile  of  gold  in  the  presence  of  which  even  ex 
travagance  would  stand  amazed.  Six  thousand  million's  of 
dollars,  and  400,000  lives!  What  for?  Is  it  possible  we  did 
18 


^74  COL-  INGERSOLLS 

,il  that  to  put  the  very  party  in  power  that  it  cost  six  thou- 
Rand  millions  of  dollars  and  400,000  lives  to  prevent  their 
destroying  this  Government?  (Cheers.)  Think  of  itl  Re 
member  it.  Let  me  ask  any  Democrat,  looked  at  in  the 
light  of  history  of  twenty  years,  which  of  these  parties  has 
the  better  reputation?  (Laughter.)  "Which  has  the  better 
reputation  for  patriotism?  Which  has  the  better  reputa 
tion  for  truth  and  veracity? 

DEMOCRATIC    BLUNDERING. 

What  has  the  Democratic  party  done  the  last  twenty 
years  that  has  been  a  success?  Gov.  Morton  once  said: 
u  The  Democratic  party,  it  is  like  a  man  riding  on  the  cars 
backwards:  he  never  sees  anything  until  he  has  passed  it" 
(Laughter.)  What  has  the  Democratic  party  advocated  in 
the  twenty  years  that  has  been  a  success?  Now  and  then 
they  have  advocated  a  good  thing,  but  that  has  only  been 
when  they  adopted  some  Republican  idea.  (Applause.)  I 
admit  that  the  Republican  party  has  done  some  wrong 
things.  I  admit  the  great,  splendid  Republican  party,  en 
deavoring  to  do  right,  has  now  and  then,  by  mistake,  done 
wrong;  I  admit  that  the  great  Democratic  party,  endeavor 
ing  to  do  wrong,  has  now  and  then  blundered  into  the 
right.  Which  of  these  parties  are  the  people  of  this  splen 
did  country  of  Northern  Illinois  willing  to  risk  the-  Gov 
ernment  with?  Well,  of  course,  it  is  owing  to  what  you 
want.  It  is  owing  to  what  you  want  to  preserve;  it  is  ow 
ing  to  what  you  wish  to  destroy. 

A    CHANGE. 

Some  people  tell  me,  we  want  a  change.  What  for? 
•' "Well,  we  want  a  change."  (Laughter.)  What  for?  There 
never  was  a  time  in  the  history  of  this  country  that  it  was 
as  prosperous  as  it  is  to-day.  Do  you  want  a  change? 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  2?  5 

("  No,"  "  No.")  This  is  not  only  the  best  country  in  the 
world,  but  we  have  good  houses,  we  have  got  more  to  eat, 
have  got  better  clothes,  and  we  have  got  more  sense,  on  the 
average,  than  any  other  people  on  this  globe.  (Laughter.) 
When  I  say  "  country,"  I  mean  the  Northern,  Western  and 
Eastern  States;  that  is  what  I  mean.  There  is  no  country 
wherein  education  is  thought  so  much  of  as  in  the  United 
States.  There  is  no  country  where  one  man  will  help  an 
other  as  quickly.  There  is  no  country  in  which  there  is  as 
much  generosity,  on  the  average,  as  in  the  United  States. 
Now  we  have  to  preserve  something.  We  do  not  wish  to 
change  for  the  sake  of  a  change.  There  never  should  be  a 
change  until  a  better  party  than  the  Republican  asks  to 
to  take  the  scepter  of  authority.  When  the  Democracy,  in 
sackcloth  and  ashes,  will  admit  that  they  have  been  wrong 
for  twenty  years;  when  the  Democratic  party  will  say, 
beating  the  meantime  upon  its  hollow  breast,  "  I  have  sinned 
and  wish  an  opportunity  to  show  that  I  have  sincerely  re 
pented,"  it  will  be  time  enough  to  trust  them  then. 

THE   SOLID  SOUTH. 

Now,  the  question  arises,  which  section  of  this  country 
had  you  rather  trust?  The  South  or  the  North?  ("  The 
North  every  time.")  Of  course.  What  is  the  Democratic 
party  to-day  without  the  Solid  Southl  The  Solid  South  is 
the  Democratic  party.  The  Democrats  of  the  North  are 
the  tools  of  the  Solid  South.  (Cheers.)  There  are  some 
things  in  this  country  that  we  wish  to  preserve.  Of  course, 
when  a  man  has  got  nothing  he  need  not  be  very  particular 
about  making  his  will,  and  if  he  does  make  his  will  he 
need  not  make  any  fuss  about  who  shall  be  administrators. 
We  think  that  we  have  got  something.  We  think  there 
are  things  to  be  preserved  in  the  American  Republic. 


276  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

Now,  what  must  we  preserve?     What  do  you  want  pre 
served? 

FEKK   SPEECH. 

First  of  all,  yon  believe  that  in  a  Republic  there  should 
be  absolute  freedom  of'opinion ;  you  believe  that  in  a  Re 
public  there  should  be  absplute  free  speech;  you  believe 
that  every  individual  tongue  has  the  right  to  the  general 
ear;  you  believe  that  this  Government  should  rest  upon  the 
intelligence,  upon  the  patriotism,  and  upon  the  morality  of 
the  people,  and  you  believe  that  every  citizen  of  this  Repub 
lic  has  a  right  to  tell  the  rest  of  the  citizens  of  this  Re 
public  what  he  believes.  Of  what  use  can  free  speech  be 
if  it  is  afterwards  to  be  defeated  by  force  or  fraud?  Of 
what  use  is  it  to  allow  the  attorney  for  the  defendant  to  ar 
gue  before  the  jury,  if,  upon  the  jury  bringing  a  verdict  of 
u  Not  guilty,"  the  defendant  is  to  be  hanged  by  a  mob?  We 
believe,  then,  in  free  speech;  we  believe  free  speech  to  be 
the  gem  of  the  human  brain.  Speech  is  the  wing  of 
thought,  and  if  you  will  not  allow  free  speech,  you  are  not 
a  civilized  people.  (Applause.)  In  what  part  of  this  coun 
try  has  the  sacred  right  of  free  speech  been  preserved,  in  the 
South  or  the  North?  (Cries  of  "  In  the  North.")  If  you 
want  free  speech  preserved  in  this  country  the  North  must 
do  it.  (Cries,  u  That  is  right")  We  must  do  it  and  we 
must  not  put  in  power  the  people  who  do  not  believe  in 
that  sacred  right.  The  South  never  favored  free  speech, 
never.  Why?  They  had  there  an  institution  called  slavery 
If  they  allowed  free  speech  they  knew  that  slavery  could 
not  endure,  and  the  consequence  was  they  closed  the  lips 
of  reason.  In  other  words,  for  every  chain  they  put  upon 
the  limbs  of  slaves  they  put  a  corresponding  manacle  upon 
the  brain  of  the  white  man.  (Loud  applause.)  In  order  to 


GREAT   SPEECHES.  2f', 

enslave  others  they  enslaved  themselves,  and  they  finally 
came  face  to  face  with  one  of  the  great  principles  of  nature. 
Man  cannot  enslave  another  without  trampling  upon  his 
own  manhood;  no  man  can  be  unjust  to  another  without 
robbing  himself.  (Applause.)  I  believe,  then,  in  free 
speech.  I  want  the  lips  of  thought  to  be  forever  free,  and 
for  that  reason  I  am  with  the  North,  because  the  North  will 
protect  that  sacred  right.  That  is  one  thing  I  want,  and  1 
go  with  the  people  that  are  going  farthest  my  way  when  I 
want  anything.  (Laughter  and  applause.)  I  belong  to  no 
party.  I  simply  act  with  the  party  that  comes  nearest  my 
views.  I  am  the  property  of  nobody.  (Applause.)  No 
human  being  has  got  a  mortgage  upon  my  brain.  (Cries 
of  "  "Well  done! "  "  Good! "  and  loud  applause.)  I  will  say 
my  say  in  spite  of  principalities  and  powers  as  long  as  I 
live  (cheers  and  a  voice,  "We  will  stand  by  you");  and  I 
will  say  what  I  think. 

A   FREE   BALLOT- BOX. 

We  not  only  wish  to  preserve  free  speech,  but  we  wish 
also  to  preserve  the  product  of  free  speech.  After  jou  have 
thought,  after  every  body  has  said  his  say,  and  thereupon 
the  people  of  the  United  States  deposit  their  will  in  the 
ballot-box,  we  want  to  feel  absolutely  certain  that  every 
vote  that  goes  in  there  is  honest;  we  want  to  feel  certain 
that  every  vote  that  comes  out  from  there  and  is  counted  is 
a  legal  vote.  That  is  what  we  want.  Of  what  use  is  free 
speech  if  fraud  is  to  hold  in  its  slimy  hand,  the  ballot-box 
of  this  Nation?  There  is  in  this  country  one  king,  there  is 
under  our  flag  one  emperor,  one  czar,  one  supreme  power, 
and  that  is  the  legally-expressed  will  of  a  majority  of  our 
people.  (Applause.)  That  is  the  king,  and  any  man  who 
will  poison  the  source  of  authority,  any  man  who  will  put 


278  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

an  illegal  vote  in  a  ballot-box,  any  man  who  will  count  an 
illegal  vote  after  it  is  put  in,  any  man  who  will  throw  out 
a  legal  vote  after  it  is  put  in,  is  a  traitor  to  the  great  prin 
ciple  upon  which  this  Government  is  founded.  (Applause.) 
And  the  time  ought  to  come  when  we  will  hold  in  supreme 
detestation,  execration  and  contempt,  any  man  who  would 
put  in  the  ballot-box  an  illegal  vote.  Every  American 
citizen  should  keep  his  hands  pure;  every  American  citi 
zen  should  say,  "  I  am  willing  to  abide  by  the  decision  of 
the  majority,"  and  when  we  say  that,  then  we  will  have  a 
Republic  that  will  endure  for  countless  years.  We  have 
got  to  do  something  in  this  country.  We  are  upon  the 
edge,  to-day,  of  Mexicanization;  we  are  upon  the  edge  of 
chaos. 

FRAUD  IN  ELECTIONS. 

The  people  are  beginning  to  lose  confidence  in  elections; 
the  people  are  beginning  to  say,  "  Fraud  controls,  rascality 
elects,"  and  the  moment  that  suspicion  is  well  lodged  in  the 
minds  of  the  people  then  they  will  have  no  respect  for  the 
laws  made  by  men  elected  by  fraud.  They  will  have  no 
respect  for  the  decision  of  judges  when  they  believe  the 
judges  were  elected  by  fraud;  and  then  comes  the  dissolu 
tion  of  our  form  of  Government;  and  then  comes  the 
destruction  of  human  liberty  for  a  hundred  years.  Every 
Republican  should  make  up  his  mind  to  be  a  perpetual 
sentinel  of  the  ballot-box;  every  Republican  should  make 
up  his  mind  that,  so  far  as'was  in  his  power,  an  illegal  vote 
should  never  again  be  cast  in  this  country.  We  fell  into  it; 
it  took  a  long  time  but  we  got  there.  In  the  first  place,  in 
the  cities  no  man  was  allowed  to  vote  who  came  from  a  for 
eign  country  until  he  had  been  here  five  years.  They  be 
gan  allowing  them  to  vote  when  they  had  been  here  four, 
and  if  the  Democratic  party  did,  probably  the  Whig  party 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  2/9 

would  have  done  it  if  the  foreigners  would  have  voted  the 
Whig  ticket.  (Laughter.)  But  they  wouldn't.  (Renewed 
laughter.)  After  awhile  they  allowed  them  to  vote  in  three 
years,  in  two  years,  and  it  was  not  long  until  they  met 
them  at  Castle  Garden  and  marched  from  the  ship  directly 
to  the  polls.  (Laughter.)  All  over  our  country  we  have 
had  a  contest  with  regard  to  the  removal  of  county  seats, 
when  all  the  people  at  one  side  of  a  county  were  for  remov 
al,  and  all  the  people  on  the  other  side  against  removal,  and 
the  north  side  would  hear  that  the  south  side  was  going  to 
cheat,  and  the  south  would  hear  that  the  north  side 
was  going  to  cheat,  and  as  a  result  both  cheated.  (Laughter.) 
And  thus  day  by  day,  little  by  little,  the  sanctity  of  the 
ballot-box  has  been  destroyed,  and  that  party  was  consid 
ered  the  smartest  party  that  could  get  in  the  most  illegal 
votes  and  get  them  counted.  All  that  must  be  stopped,  or 
this  country  cannot  endure,  and  it  is  the  mission  of  the 
Republican  party  to  stop  it,  and  that  is  another  reason 

WHY   I   AM   A   EEPUBLIOAN. 

That  party  has  thrown  every  safeguard  around  the 
ballot-box  in  every  State  of  the  Union  where  any  safeguard 
has  been  thrown.  That  party  has  always  been  in  favor  of 
registration;  the  Democratic  party  has  always  opposed  it. 
That  party — the  Republican  party — has  done  all  it  possi 
bly  could  do  to  secure  an  honest  expression  of  the  great 
will  of  the  people.  Every  man  here  who  is  in  favor  of  an 
honest  ballot-box  ought  to  vote  the  Republican  ticket;  every 
man  here  in  favor  of  free  speech  ought  to  vote  the  Repub 
lican  ticket.  Free  speech  is  the  brain  of  this  Republic,  and 
an  honest  vote  is  its  life-blood.  (Applause.)  There  are 
two  reasons,  then,  why  I  am  a  Republican:  First,  I  believe 
in  free  speech;  secondly,  I  want  an  honest  vote. 


280  COL.  INGEKSOLL'S 

SOUTHERN  TISSUE-BALLOTS   AND  BHOTUUflB. 

Can  you  trust  the  people  of  the  South  with  the  ballot- 
box?  Are  you  willing  to  let  Alabama  keep  that  sacred 
treasure — Alabama,  that  cast  in  1876,  about  103,000  votes 
for  Tilden,  bat  only  a  little  while  ago  cast  a  Democratic 
majority  of  92,000?  (Laughter.)  Alabama  to-day  is  a 
Republican  State  if  every  man  was  freely  allowed  to  vote 
his  sentiments;  and  you  know  it  (Applause.) 

Mississippi  is  to-day  a  Republican  State;  North  Carolina 
is  a  Republican  State;  South  Carolina  is  a  Republican 
State;  Florida  is  a  Republican  State;  and  everybody  who 
knows  anything  knows  what  I  say  is  true.  (Applause.) 
How  are  they  kept  in  the  Democratic  ranks?  Are  they 
kept  there  by  the  men  who  are  trying  to  protect  the  ballot, 
box  ?  They  are  kept  there  by  the  shotgun ;  they  are  kept 
there  by  the  tissue-ballot;  they  are  kept  by  force  and  fraud. 
Masked  murderers  in  the  dead  of  night  ride  to  the  cabin  of 
the  freedman  and  shoot  him  down  regardless  of  the  shriek- 
ings  of  his  wife  and  the  tears  of  his  babes.  That  is  the  way 
the  Southern  States  are  kept  solidly  Democratic.  (Ap 
plause.)  Ah,  but  they  say  to  me,  "  Are  you  willing  that 
the  black  people  should  control  the  South?  "  If  the  black 
people  are  in  favor  of  liberty,  and  the  white  people  are  op 
posed,  then  I  want  the  black  people  to  control.  (Applause.) 
If  the  black  people  believe  that  this  is  a  Nation,  and  the 
white  people  there  say  it  is  a  simple  Confederacy,  then  I 
want  the  black  people  to  control  the  South.  (Applause  and 
cries  of  "  Good! ")  If  the  black  people  are  in  favor  of  onr 
lowest  vote,  if  the  black  people  are  in  favor  of  freedom  of 
speech,  if  the  black  people  are  in  favor  of  absolutely  guard 
ing  the  ballot-box  from  fraud,  and  if  the  white  people  are 
on  the  other  side  of  these  questions,  then  I  say 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  S8l 

LET  THE  BLACK  PEOPLE  STTLB 

that  country.  (Applause.)  I  think  more  of  a  black  friend 
than  I  do  of  a  white  enemy.  (Applause.)  I  think  more 
of  a  black  man  who  loves  liberty  than  I  do  of  a  white  man 
who  hates  it.  I  think  more  of  a  black  man  who  upheld 
our  flag  in  war  than  of  any  white  man  who  has  tried  to 
tear  it  down.  (Applause.)  That  is  my  doctrine.  (Ap 
plause,  and  cries  of  "All  right  1")  I  think  more  of  the 
man  trampled  down  than  of  the  trampler.  I  think  more 
of  the  man  stolen  from  than  I  do  of  the  thief.  (Applause, 
and  cries  of  "  Give  it  to  them,  Bob.") 

DEMOCRACY  THE  GREATEST  LUXURY. 

There  is  another  thing.  We  have  not  only  got  to  have 
free  speech,  not  only  got  to  have  an  honest  ballot,  but  we 
have  got  to  raise  a  revenue  in  this  country. 

We  owe  to-day  one  billion,  nine  million  dollars, — a  Dem 
ocratic  debt.  (Applause  and  laughter.)  Democracy  is  the 
greatest  luxury  we  ever  afforded.  (Applause  and  laughter? 
and  cries  of  "  Hit  them  again  1 ")  We  have  got  to  pay  that 
debt.  Why?  If  we  don't  we  will  be  eternally  disgraced 
in  the  eyes  of  the  civilized  world.  When  our  money  is  only 
worth  80  cents  on  the  dollar  every  American  falls  20  per 
cent,  below  par.  (Laughter.)  When  our  money  is  at  par, 
we  are.  (Laughter.)  When  we  cannot  pay  our  bonds,  we 
feel  that  we  are  a  dishonored  people,  but  when  our  bonds 
bearing  only  4  percent.,  and  are  worth  110  in  the  market^ 
we  feel  proud;  and  when  we  go  to  another  country  and  see 
one  of  those  bonds,  that  bond  certifies  that  an  American  is 
an  honest  man.  (Applause.)  Who  are  you  going  to  trust 
to  pay  this  debt?  that  is  the  question.  Whom  are  you 
willing  to  trust  with  the  honor  of  the  United  States!  The 
men  who  defended  her  flag  will  defend  her  honor.  (Ap- 


282  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

plause.)  The  men  who  tried  to  tear  her  flag  down  will 
trample  America's  honor  beneath  their  feet.  Who  is  going 
to  pay?  The  Democrats  solemnly  swore  that  we  would 
never  pay.  (Laughter.)  In  the  year  of  grace  1878,  stand 
ing  in  the  center  of  truth  and  knowledge,  the  Democratic 
party  in  every  solitary  State,  with  exception  of  two  or  three 
of  the  New  England  States,  in  which  it  held  a  convention? 
solemnly  resolved  that  the  United  States  could  not  resume 

SPECIE  PAYMENTS. 

"Well,  we  did.  (Applause  and  laughter.  A  voice:  "  They 
lied.")  "We  did.  (Laughter.)  They  resolved  that  the  war 
was  a  failure,  and  immediately  thereafter  we  succeeded,  and 
the  old  flag  was  carried  in  glory  over  every  inch  of  the 
United  States.  (Applause.)  They  have  never  made  a  proph 
esy  that  was  fulfilled.  (Laughter.)  Their  prophesies  and 
their  promises  are  exactly  alike.  (Laughter  and  applause.) 
Whom  can  we  trust  to  pay  this  debt?  Whom  can  we  trust 
to  give  us  good  money?  A  greenback  to-day  is  as  good  as 
gold.  Who  made  it  so?  The  Democrats  in  their  conven 
tions  solemnly  resolved  it  would  never  be  good.  Well,  they 
helped  a  little,  I  have  no  doubt,  because  everybody  knew 
that  what  they  resolved  would  not  be  true.  (Great  laugh 
ter.)  All  you  have  to  do  is  to  copper  a  Democratic  resolu 
tion.  (Applause  and  laughter.)  Now  in  order  to  pay  this 
debt,  and  I  will  come  to  the  money  question,  after  which 
we  have  got  to  have  revenue,  it  has  got  to  be  collected. 
Will  you  trust  to  collect  the  North  or  South,  the  Republican 
or  the  Democratic  party?  Recollect  the  Democratic  party 
has  been  fasting  for  twenty  years.  (Laughter.)  It  has  suf 
fered  all  the  agonies  of  official  famine.  (Laughter.)  Not 
&  bite  for  twenty  years.  (Great  laughter.)  The  Democratic 
party  to-day  is 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  28$ 

A  VAST  AGGBEGATE   OFFICIAL    APPETITE. 

(Laughter.)  "Who  are  you  going  to  trust?  "Will  we  trust 
the  Southern  States  to  collect  the  revenues  of  the  Union? 
In  four  years,  with  the  Internal-Revenue  Department,  we 
have  collected  of  internal  tax,  $460,000,000  at  a  cost  of 
ibout  3  per  cent.  This  in  four  years.  During  four  years 
we  have  captured,  destroyed  and  libeled  3,874  illicit  distil 
leries  in  Southern  States.  (Laughter.)  Remember  it;  we 
have  captured  and  indicted  7,084  Democrats  in  Southern 
States,  charged  with  defrauding  the  revenue  of  the  country. 
(Laughter.)  The  Southern  people  resisting  the  collectors 
of  Federal  tax  in  the  last  four  years,  have  shot  and  killed 
twenty-five  revenue  officials,  and  have  wounded  fifty-five; 
and  now  in  the  Southern  States — that  is,  in  many  of  them — 
every  revenue-collector,  every  officer  connected  with  that 
branch  of  Government  is  provided  by  the  Internal  Revenue 
Department 

WITH    A   BBEECH-LOADING    EIFLE 

and  a  pair  of  revolvers.  (Laughter.)  Are  they  the  gentle 
men  to  collect  our  revenue?  "Will  you  depend  upon  them 
to  pay  the  interest  on  $1,400,000,000  and  the  current  ex 
penses  of  this  Government?  It  won't  do.  (Laughter.)  I 
heard  a  story  of  a  couple  of  Methodist  ministers  who  had 
been  holding  a  camp-meeting,  and  after  they  had  preached  a 
week  one  said  to  the  other:  "  Let's  take  up  a  subscription." 
"  Good,"  said  he.  So  he  passed  his  hat,  gave  it  to  a 
brother,  and  he  passed  it  around,  and  finally  came  back  and 
handed  it  to  the  preacher,  and  he  turned  it  over  on  the  pul 
pit,  and  there  was  a  lot  of  old  nails,  matches,  toothpicks, 
buttons  and  not  one  solitary  cent  (laughter);  and  the  other 
preacher  said,  looking  at  it:  "  Let  us  thank  God  "  (laugh 
ter),  and  the  owner  of  the  hat  said,  ""What  fort "  and  the 


284  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

other  replied,  "  Because  you  got  your  hat  back."  (Great 
laughter.)  If  we  depend  upon  the  Southern  States  to  col 
lect  the  revenue  of  this  country  we  won't  get  oar  hat  back. 
(Laughter.) 

Now,  then,  my  friends,  if  yon  want  free  speech,  if  you 
want  an  honest  ballot,  if  you  want  the  revenues  of  the  coun 
try  collected,  vote  the  Republican  ticket. 

HONEST   MONET. 

Then  there  is  another  thing  we  want;  we  want  good 
money;  we  want  honest  money.  I  know  there  have  been 
a  great  many  theories  on  money,  and  I  never  knew  a  man 
that  had  not  a  dollar  himself  who  had  not  a  scheme  to  make 
somebody  else  rich.  (Laughter.)  These  theories  were  pro 
duced,  of  course,  by  the  circumstances  we  went  through — the 
war.  "We  had,  as  they  say,  plenty  of  money,  that  is  to  say 
no  money;  plenty  of  promises,  but  no  money;  plenty  of 
notes,  but  no  cash;  and  while  we  were  sailing  on  a  credit, 
we  sailed  well,  and  as  long  as  I  can  buy  all  I  want  on  a 
credit,  ray  family  shall  not  suffer.  (Laughter.)  We  were 
going  into  debt,  and  as  a  rule  it  is  an  exceedingly  prosper 
ous  time  in  a  man's  life  when  he  is  getting  into  debt. 
(Laughter.)  As  a  rule  it  is  an  exceedingly  hard  time  when 
he  is  paying  this  debt.  (Laughter.)  Millions  and  millions 
of  promises  were  issued.  The  result  was  prices  went  up 
just  in  proportion  as  the  value  of  the  promises  went  down, 
and  that  was  at  the 

EXPENSE   OP   THE   CREDITOR   CLASS. 

Expansion  is  always  at  the  expense  of  creditors,  and 
when  the  wheel  of  fortune  takes  a  turn,  and  contraction 
comes,  that  is  always  at  the  expense  of  the  debtor.  At  the 
same  time,  people  claimed  absolute  justice  would  be  done; 
but  the  trouble  is,  creditors  do  not  mean  the  same.  The 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  285 

very  man  who  is  a  creditor,  and  at  whose  expense  the  infla 
tion  came,  when  contraction  comes  may  be  a  debtor,  and 
consequently  suffer  both  ways.  We  had  vast  and  splendid 
schemes  for  the  future.  We  began  to  buy  lots,  twenty  miles 
from  Chicago,  that  the  frogs  had  held  undisputed  sway  over 
since  the  morning  stars  sang  together.  On  paper  we  laid 
this  laud  out  into  squares,  avenues,  boulevards,  and  were 
selling  what  cost  $10  an  acre  for  $10  a  foot  and  $50  a  foot, 
and  all  at  once  in  1873  the  crash  came  and  all  these  lots  re 
sumed.  (Great  laughter.)  A  fellow  who  had  bought  on 
credit,  paying  two-thirds  down,  found  that  the  lots  would 
not  'pay  the  other  third.  (Laughter.)  Hundreds  of  thou 
sands  of  men  were  ruined,  and  all  at  once  they  said,  "  What 
we  want  is  another  inflation;  we  want  more  money,"  and 
I  never  heard  one  who  was  caught  speaking  on  the  subject 
who  did  not  say,  "  If  there  ever  comes  another  inflation 
you  may  shoot  me  if  I  don't  unload."  (Laughter.)  When 

CONTRACTION 

came,  certain  men  were  left  with  the  bags  to  hold,  and  they 
were  the  men  who  got  up  new  financial  theories,  and  I  do 
not  blame  them.  (Laughter.)  It  is  precisely  the  same  as 
it  is  in  a  game  of  cards,  where  men  have  been  playing 
poker  all  night.  I  do  not  believe  there  is  a  man  here  that 
will  understand  this  campaign.  (Laughter.)  Along  tO' 
ward  morning  the  fellow  who  is  ahead  lias  got  to  go  home; 
his  wife  is'  not  very  well.  The  other  fellow  who  is  behind 
says,  "No;  nobody  but  a  coward  will  jump  the  game; 
let  us  get  another  candle,  and  we  will  have  another  deal." 
And  so  it  was  that  the  Greenback  theory  started.  We  want 
another  deal.  We  have  been  left  high  and  dry  in  the  brush, 
miles  from  the  channels.  If  water  can  only  come  once 
more,  if  we  do  not  float  off  it  will  be  our  fault.  (Laugh 
ter.) 


286  COL.  INGKRSOLL'S 

HARD   TIMES    AND  "  REPUDIATION." 

No  man  can  imagine,  all  the  languages  of  the  world  can 
not  express  what  the  people  of  the  United  States  suffered 
from  1873  to  1879.  Men  who  considered  themselves 
millionaires  found  that  they  were  beggars;  men  living 
in  palaces,  supposing  they  had  enough  to  give  sunshine 
to  the  winter  of  their  age,  supposing  they  had  enough  to 
have  all  they  loved  in  affluence  and  comfort,  suddenly  found 
that  they  were  mendicants  with  bonds,  stocks,  mortgages, 
all  turned  to  ashes  in  their  trembling  hands.  The  chim 
neys  grew  cold,  the  fires  in  furnaces  went  out,  the  poor 
families  were  turned  adrift,  and  the  highways  of  the  United 
States  were  crowded  with  tramps.  Into  the  home  of  the 
poor  crept  the  serpent  of  temptation  and  whispered  the  ter 
rible  word,  "  Repudiation."  I  want  to  tell  you  that  you  can 
not  conceive  of  what  the  American  people  suffered  as  they 
staggered  over  the  desert  of  bankruptcy  from  1873  to  1879. 
We  are  too  near  now  to  know  how  grand  we  were.  The 
poor  mechanic  said,  "No;"  the  ruined  manufacturer  said 
"No;"  the  once  millioniare  said,  "No;  we  will  settle  fair, 
we  will  agree  to  pay  whether  we  ever  pay  or  not,  and  we 
will  never  soil  the  American  name  with  the  infamous  word 
'repudiation.'"  Are  you  not  glad?  What  is  the  talk? 
Are  you  not  glad  that  our  flag  is  covered  all  over  with  finan 
cial  honors?  The  stars  shine  and  gleam  now  because  they 
represent  an  honest  Nation.  They  said  during  that  time, 
u  We  must  have  more  paper,"  and  the  Republican  party 
said:  "  Let  us  pay  what  we  have."  L  am  in  favor  of  having 
that  as  money  which  no  human  being  can  create.  I  be 
lieve  in  gold  and  silver;  I  believe  in  silver  because  that  is 
one  of  the  great  productions  of  our  country,  and  when  you 
add  a  use  to  a  thing,  you  add  a  value  to  that  thing,  and 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  287 

I  want  silver  money;  but  I  want  a  silver  dollar  big  enough 
to  be  worth  a  gold  dollar,  if  you  have  to  have  it  three  feet 
in  diameter. 

HONEST   MONET. 

Nothing  is  ever  made  by  rascality.  I  do  not  want  it  un 
derstood  that  we  are  a  Nation  of  coin  clippers.  I  want 
honest  dollars;  honest  dollars  will  make  honest  people; 
that  is  to  say,  honest  people  will  make  an  honest  dol 
lar  every  time.  I  only  want  money  that  is  a  product  of 
nature.  Now  listen:  no  civilized  nation,  no  tribe,  how 
ever  ignorant,  ever  used  anything  as  money  that  man  could 
make.  They  had  always  used  for  money  a  production  oi 
nature.  Some  may  say,  "Have  not  some  uncivilized  tribes 
used  beads  for  money,  something  that  civilized  people  could 
make?"  Yes,  but  a  savage  tribe  could  not  make  the  beads. 
The  savage  tribes  supposed  them  to  be  a  product  either 
of  nature  or  of  something  else  that  they  could  not  imi 
tate.  Nothing  has  ever  been  considered  money  among  any 
people  on  this  globe  that  those  people  could  make. 

GREENBACKS. 

What  is  a  greenback!  The  greenbacks  are  a  promise, 
not  money.  (Great  laughter  and  applause.)  The  green 
backs  are  the  Nation's  note,  not  money.  You  cannot  make 
a  fiat  dollar  any  more  than  you  can  make  a  fiat  store.  You 
can  make  a  promise,  and  that  promise  may  be  made  by  such 
a  splendid  man  that  it  will  pass  among  all  who  know  him 
as  a  dollar;  but  it  is  not  a  dollar.  You  might  as  well  tell 
me  that  a  bill  of  fare  is  a  dinner.  (Laughter.)  The  grew, 
back  is  only  good  now  because  you  can  get  gold  for  it.  If 
you  could  not  get  gold  for  it,  it  would  not  be  worth  any 
more  than  a  ticket  for  dinner  after  the  fellow  who  issued 
the  ticket  had  quit  keeping  the  hotel.  A  dollar  must  be 


«88  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

made  of  something  that  nature  has  produced.  When  I  die, 
if  I  have  a  dollar  left  I  want  it  to  be  a  good  one.  1  do  not 
want  a  dollar  that  will  turn  into  ashes  in  the  hands  of  wid 
owhood,  or  in  the  possession  of  the  orphan.  Take  a  coin  of 
the  Roman  Empire — a  little  piece  of  gold — and  it  is  just  as 
good  to-day  as  though  Julius  Caesar  still  stood  at  the  head 
of  the  Roman  legions.  I  do  not  wish  to  trust  the  wealth 
of  this  Nation  with  the  demagogues  of  the  Nation.  I  do  not 
wish  to  trust  the  wealth  of  the  country  to  every  blast  of 
public  opinion.  I  want  money  as  solid  as  the  earth  on 
which  we  tread,  as  bright  as  the  stars  that  shine  above  us. 
(Applause.) 

THE     GREENBACKEBS. 

Now,  then,  we  had  such  good  luck  given  our  notes;  we 
had  so  much  to  eat  and  drink  and  wear  that  some  Greenback 
gentleman  said:  "Why  not  keep  it  up?  "  1  want  to-day 
to  pay  a  debt  to  the  greenback  party.  I  endeavor  to  do 
equal  and  exact  justice,  and  I  believe  to-day  that  if  it  had 
not  been  for  the  Greenback  party  we  could  not  have  re 
sumed,  and  I  will  tell  you  why.  The  Greenbackers  went 
into  every  school-house  in  the  State,  except  the  Southern 
States,  where  they  would  not  allow  them  to  speak,  they 
went  onto  every  stump,  and  they  told  the  people,  "The 
greenback  is  the  best  money  the  world  has  ever  seen."  They 
talked  and  they  argued  until  millions  of  people  began  to 
despise  the  look  of  silver;  they  absolutely  hated  the  color 
of  gold ;  they  said  after  all  the  talk,  "  The  greenback  is 
the  money  of  civilization."  Finally,  when  we  said,  "  We 
will  resume,"  the  Greenback  party  had  gotten  the  people 
into  such  a  state  of  mind,  had  got  them  so  in  love  with  the 
greenback,  that  they  did  not  ask  for  gold.  If  they  had 
asked  for  gold,  we  would  not  have  had  enough.  (Laughter 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  289 

and  applause.)  So  to-day  I  want  to  thank  the  Greenback 
party  for  what  they  have  done;  but  allow  me  in  this  con 
nection  to  say  the  day  of  your  usefulness  is  past.  (Loud 
applause.)  Thousands  of  men  gave  wrong  definitions  of 
money,  and  that  helped  to  mislead  thousands  of  people. 
They  said,  "  Money  is  a  measure  of  value;"  they  said, 
"  Money  is  a  device  to  facilitate  exchanges."  Well,  that  is 
calculated  to  mislead  anybody.  The  Greenbackers  said, 
"  If  it  is  only  a  device  to  facilitate  exchanges,  why  is  not  a 
paper  device  just  as  good  as  a  gold  device?"  ("Good!") 
You  could  not  answer  it;  nobody  can  answer  it.  The 
trouble  is  that  the  first  statement  is  untrue.  Money  is  not 
"a device  to  facilitate  exchanges,"  but  the  coining  of  mon 
ey  is  a  device  to  facilitate  exchanges.  Recollect  the  word, 
"coining."  The  only  reason  that  coining  was  necessary  was 
the  Government  had  to  tell  how  much  there  was,  or  else 
every  man  had  to  carry  a  pair  of  scales  and  be  a  chemist. 
So  the  coining  of  money  is  "a  device  to  facilitate  ex 
changes,"  but  the  money  itself  is  gold  and  silver,  the  prod 
uct  of  Nature  herself.  (Applause.) 

HALF-BUSHELS   AND   YARDSTICKS. 

Then  they  said,  "  Money  measures  value  as  a  half-bushel 
measures  corn,  or  as  a  yardstick  measures  cloth."  That  is 
not  so.  If  it  had  been  so,  the  Greenbackers  would  have 
been  right,  because  if  "  money  measures  value  as  a  half- 
bushel,  or  as  a  yardstick,"  of  course  it  makes  no  difference 
whether  a  half-bushel  or  a  yardstick  is  made  of  gold,  silver 
or  paper;  but  the  statement  is  not  true.  Money  does  not 
measure  values  as  a  half-bushel  or  as  a  yardstick,  and  why? 
The  half-bushel  does  not  measure  value;  the  yardstick  does 
not  measure  value.  The  yardstick  measures  length,  not 
yalue;  it  measures  lace  worth  $200  a  yard  precisely  as  it 

19 


290  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

does  cent  tape,  and  you  know  it.  A  half-bnshel  does  not 
measure  value;  it  measures  quantity;  and  the  half-bushel 
would  measure  gold,  and  diamonds,  and  pearls  precisely  as 
it  does  oats  and  corn.  (Applause.)  There  is  another 
trouble  about  it.  The  reason  it  does  not  make  any  differ 
ence  whether  a  yardstick,  or  half-bushel,  or  gold,  or  silver, 
or  paper,  is  that  you  do  not  buy  the  half-bushel  or  the  yard 
stick.  The  man  who  owned  the  half-bushel  at  the  com 
mencement  of  the  trade,  keeps  it  after  the  trade  is  over. 
The  gentleman  in  possession  of  the  yardstick  before  the 
purchase  is  made,  keeps  the  yardstick  after  the  purchase  is 
done.  If  it  were  so  with  money,  then  it  would  not  make 
any  difference.  (Applause.) 

MONEY   DOES   NOT   MATTE   PEOSPESITT. 

Now,  then,  my  friends,  if  there  is  a  solitary  Greenbacker 
here,  now  in  the  Democratic  party,  that  once  belonged  to 
the  .Republican  party,  I  ask  him  to  come  out.  (Cries  of 
"Hear!"  "Hear!")  I  ask  him  to  admit  that  to-day  we 
have  got  money  enough.  I  want  him  to  admit  that  an 
amount  of  money  does  not  make  prosperity,  but  prosperity 
makes  the  money.  I  want  him  to  admit  that  when  the 
country  is  prosperous  then  every  man  trusts  his  neighbor, 
but  if  you  buy  a  pound  of  sugar  on  credit  then  you  inflate 
the  currency.  If  you  give  your  note  for  a  horse,  then  you 
inflate  the  currency;  if  you  give  a  mortgage  or  deed  of  trust, 
you  inflate  the  currency;  and  every  fellow  that  says, 
"  Charge  it,"  inflates  the  currency.  (Laughter,  and  a  voice, 
"  That's  so.")  So  that  in  times  of  prosperity — that  is  to 
say,  that  in  times  of  general  confidence — we  have  all  the 
money  we  want. 

Suppose  you  should  go  to  a  man  that  owned  a  ferry-boat, 
and  there  had  been  no  rain  for  six  months,  and  the  river 


GREAT   SPEECHES.  29 1 

was  entirely  dry,  and  the  ferry-boat  was  upon  the  sand, 
with  seams  gaping  open  like  your  average  Democrat  hear 
ing  a  speech  that  he  does  not  understand — I  might  say  in 
connection  a  speech  about  the  Constitution  (laughter  and 
applause) — and  suppose  you  should  ask  that  man,  "  How 
is  business?"  and  he  should  say,  "Dull;"  and  suppose  you 
tell  him,  "  Now,  what  you  want  is  more  boats."  (Laugh 
ter.)  He  would  be  apt  to  answer,  "  I  can  get  along  with 
this  one  if  I  only  had  a  little  more  water."  (Great  laughter.) 
I  want  every  man  to  think,  and  get  that  heresy  out  of  his 
head,  that  a  Government  can  make  money;  and  I  will  ask 
each  one  this  question  —and  I  have  never  seen  any  man 
who  could  answer  it — now,  honor  bright,  if  the  Govern 
ment  can  make  money,  why  should  it  collect  taxes?  Just 
think  about  that.  (A  voice,  "  Who  does  make  the  money  ? ") 
Sir,  Nature  makes  all  the  gold  and  all  the  silver,  and  the 
Nation  coins  the  gold  and  coins  the  silver  so  that  each  man 
who  sees  it  may  know  what  it  is  worth.  (Applause.) 

PAPER  NOT  MONEY. 

That  is  what  I  understand  by  money,  and  all  paper  that 
takes  the  place  of  money  is  simply  a  promise  to  pay  that 
money.  (A  voice,  "  That  is  all.")  You  cannot  make 
money  by  resolving  (laughter);  you  cannot  make  money 
by  law  any  more  than  you  can  make  oats  and  corn  by  a  res 
olution  in  apolitical  meeting.  (Laughter.)  Lord!  Lord!  I 
wish  you  could!  (Great  laughter.)  I  wish  this  Govern 
ment  could  make  money.  "What  a  rich  Nation  we  would 
be.  (Laughter.)  If  the  Government  can  make  money,  why 
does  it  collect  taxes?  Why  should  the  sun  borrow  a  candle? 
(Laughter  and  applause.)  Here  is  a  poor  man  working  upon 
his  farm  the  whole  year,  through  rain  and  shine  and  storm, 
day  and  night,  and  at  the  end  of  the  year  people  come  to 


2p2  COL,   INGERSOLL  S 

him  and  want  $125  taxes.  If  the  Government  can  make 
a  $1,000  bill  in  a  second,  why  should  it  follow  up  that  poor 
man  ?  (A  voice,  "  That's  so.")  I  wish  the  Government  could 
make  money,  and  that  I  could  get  my  share  now.  (Great 
laughter.)  I  regret  that  the  Aladdin  palace  made  by  the 
Greenback  party  consisted  only  of  glorified  mist.  (Laugh 
ter.)  I  am  sorry  that  its  dome  was  only  a  rainbow  of  hope. 
I  wish  it  had  been  a  reality.  I  wish  the  Government  could 
make  money  out  of  paper  so  that  the  luxuries  of  the  world 
would  be  at  American  feet.  I  wish  we  could  make  money 
so  that  we  could  put  every  poor  man  in  a  palace.  I  wish 
we  could  make  money  so  that  our  life  should  be  a  con 
tinual  and  perpetual  feast.  But  the  trouble  is,  we  can't; 
that  is  the  trouble. 

MONET  GOOD  EVERYWHERE   IN  THE  WORLD. 

Suppose  a  man  had  bought  a  farm  for  $10,000,  and  given 
his  note  for  it,  and  he  had  bought  a  carriage  and  span  of 
horses,  and  sent  John  to  college,  and  bought  Mary  a  piano, 
and  gave  his  notes;  and  at  the  end  of  the  year,  when  the  in 
terest  became  due,  he  gave  his  note,  and  the  next  year  the 
holders  came  and  said,  "  You  must  settle,"  and  he  said  to 
them,  "  I  never  had  a  better  time  in  my  life  than  while  I 
have  been  giving  these  notes;  we  have  had  more  to  eat  than 
we  ever  had  before;  the  house  has  been  filled  with  music 
and  dancing;  I  have  ridden  in  a  carriage;  I  have  good 
clothes;  now,  why  not  let  this  thing  go  on?  (Laughter.) 
I  am  willing  to  renew  my  notes  until  Gabriel's  trumpet 
stops  the  business."  (Great  laughter.)  Upon  my  word  I 
am  sorry  that  can't  be  done  (laughter),  but  it  can't.  "We 
have  got  to  work;  we  have  got  to  dig  in  the  ground  to  taise 
oats  and  corn.  So  far  as  I  am  concerned  I  had  rather  trust 
Ae  miserly  crevices  of  honest  rocks  for  the  money  of 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  293 

world  than  to  leave  it  to  any  Congress  ever  assembled  on 
earth.     (Applause.) 

The  gold  won't  cheat  you;  it  is  its  own  redeemer.  (Ap 
plause.)  The  silver  won't  fool  you;  there  it  is,  and  when 
you  have  got  it,  you  know  how  much  you  are  worth.  (Ap 
plause.)  We  are  a  commercial  Nation,  and  I  hope  the  time 
will  come  when  the  American  fla^  will  float  in  every  part 
of  the  world;  and  when  that  time  comes  we  want  money 
that  will  go  the  world  around.  Probably  it  will  be  paper, 
but  behind  every  dollar  of  paper  I  want  a  dollar  in  silver 
or  gold.  (Applause.)  I  want  American  money  to  be  so 
good  that  when  you  take  it  out  of  your  pocket,  no  matter  if 
it  is  in  Central  Africa,  no  matter  if  it  is  in  the  furthermost 
isles  of  the  Pacific  Sea,  that  when  a  barbarian  sees  it,  its 
rustle  will  sound  to  him  like  the  clink  of  gold.  (Ap 
plause.)  I  want  money  that  we  can  be  proud  of  the  world 
over,  and  so  do  you.  I  don't  want  the  honesty  of  this 
country  to  be  represented  by  any  irredeemable  rag,  and  you 
don't  if  you  will  think  about  it  a  little  while, 

FINANCIAL   HONOR. 

Now,  I  beg  every  Greenbacker  that  was  ever  in  the  Re 
publican  party  to  come  back  (applause),  and  vote  where  he 
belongs.  You  are  in  bad  company.  (Laughter.)  Come 
back.  (Applause.)  Now,  what  else  do  you  want?  We 
want  free  speech;  don't  forget  it.  We  want  an  honest  bal 
lot;  remember  it.  We  want  to  collect  a  revenue  to  sup 
port  our  Government,  and  we  want  honest  money.  What 
else  do  we  want?  We  want  a  Government  wherein  the 
law  is  supreme.  We  want  States  that  will  pay  their  debts. 
(Applause.)  Whom  can  we  trust?  The  South  or  North? 
(A  voice,  "  The  North  all  the  time,"  and  applause.)  Had 
voa  ratiiar  have  a  bond  of  Alabama  or  Illinois!  (A  vwoe, 


294  CO*-  INGERSOLL  S 

"  That's  it.")  Will  you  take  the  promise  of  Arkansas  or 
of  Massachusetts?  Think  about  it.  Will  you  invest  in 
the  securities  of  Tennessee  or  of  Pennsylvania?  Think 
about  it.  (Laughter.)  Who  are  you  going  to  trust?  All 
this  debt  has  got  to  be  paid;  every  acre  of  our  land  is  mort 
gaged;  we  have  mortgaged  honor  and  industry  and  chil 
dren.  Who  will  yon  trust?  The  financial  honor  of  the 
United  States;  think  about  it.  Who  can  we  trust?  We 
believe  in  a  Government  of  law;  we  believe  in  civilization. 
Which  section  of  this  country  believes  in  law?  Which 
section  of  this  country  believes  in  protecting  the  innocent, 
and  in  the  punishment  of  the  guilty?  What  part  of  the 
Nation  should  control?  That  part  that  believes  in  educa 
tion;  that  part  that  regards  the  school  house  as  a  temple; 
that  part  that  believes  in  justice;  that  believes  a  court 
house,  where  justice  is  done  between  man  and  man,  is  one 
of  the  holy  places  on  this  earth;  that  believes  in  argument, 
in  reason,  in  moral  suasion,  and  that  believes  in  liberty? 
Or  will  you  allow  a  section  of  this  country  to  control  that 
does  not  believe  in  a  government  of  law?  That  is  the 
question  for  you  to  answer.  For  one,  I  say  to-day,  that  I 
stand  with  the  great,  splendid,  patriotic,  enormous  North, 
and  I  expect  to  as  long  as  I  live.  (Applause.) 

INTELLIGENCE  NOT  THE  DOCTRINE   OP  HATRED. 

But  they  say  to  me,  "  You  are  preaching  the  doctrine  of 
hatred."  It  is  not  true.  I  believe  in  passing  the  same 
laws  for  the  South  that  we  do  for  the  North?  The  law  tha 
is  good  for  the  North  is  good  for  the  South,  no  matter  how 
not  it  is.  (Laughter.)  A  law  that  is  good  for  the  North 
is  good  for  the  South;  climate  has  no  influence  upon  justice. 
(Laughter.)  The  mercury  can  nol  rise  high  enough  to 
make  wrong  right.  If  climate  affected  law,  we  ought 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  295 

vo  have  two  sets  of  laws  in  this  country,  one  for  the  winter 
and  one  for  the  summer.  (Laughter.)  I  would  give  to 
them  the  same  laws  that  we  have;  I  would  improve  their 
rivers;  I  would  build  up  their  commerce;  I  would  improve 
their  harbors;  I  would  treat  them  in  every  respect  precisely  . 
as  though  every  man  voted  the  Republican  ticket.  Then, 
if  that  is  hatred,  that  is  the  doctrine  I  preach;  I  know  they 
are  as  they  have  to  be;  I  know  they  are  as  their  institutions 
made  them.  Every  Southern  man  and  every  Northern 
man  is  a  result  of  an  infinite  number  of  forces  behind. 
They  are  what  they  are,  because  they  have  to  be,  and  there 
is  only  one  lever  capable  of  raising  them,  and  that  is  in 
telligence.  And  I  propose  to  keep  them  out  of  power  until 
they  have  the  intelligence.  (Laughter  and  applause.)  I  do 
not  hate  them.  They  probably  did  as  well  under  the  cir 
cumstances,  as  well  as  we  would  have  done  under  the  same 
circumstances.  But  as  long  as  they  are  wrong  I  do  not 
wish  to  see  them  in  power.  That  is  all  the  hatred  I  have. 

STATE  SOVEREIGNTY.    . 

Now  there  is  one  other  thing,  and  nothing  can  by  any 
possibility,  in  this  country,  be  more  important.  The  great 
difference  to-day  between  the  Democratic  and  Republican 
party  is  that  the  Democratic  party  believes  this  is  a  simple 
confederation.  The  Democratic  party  believes  in  what  we 
3all  State  sovereignty,  and  the  Republican  party  proclaims 
this  country  to  be  a  nation,  one  and  indivisible.  There  is 
the  difference.  The  South  believe  this  is  a  mere  confedera 
cy,  and  they  are  honest;  they  were  willing  to  fight  for  it; 
they  are  willing  to  fight  for  it  now;  they  are  willing  to  com 
mit  frauds  for  it;  they  are  willing  to  use  the  shotgun  to  up 
hold  it;  they  are  willing  to  use  tissue  ballots  to  substanti 
ate  it,  and  they  believe  it.  Now  the  question  with  us  is, 


296  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

whether  we  will  pnt  a  party  in  power,  knowing  as  we  do 
know,  that  the  principal  part  of  that  party  absolutely  be 
lieve  in  the  doctrine  of  State  sovereignty.  They  believe  in 
the  sacredness  of  a  State  line.  In  old  times,  in  the  year  of 
grace  1860,  if  a  man  wished  the  army  of  the  United  States 
to  pursue  a  fugitive  slave,  then  the  army  could  cross  the 
State  line.  Whenever  it  became  necessary  to  deprive  some 
human  being  of  a  right,  then  we  had  a  right  to  cross  State 
lines;  but  whenever  we  wished  to  strike  the  shackles  of 
slavery  from  a  human  being,  we  had  no  right  to  cross  a 
State  line.  In  other  words,  when  you  want  to  do  a  mean 
thing  you  can  step  over  the  line,  but  if  your  object  is  a 
good  one  you  shall  not  do  it.  This  doctrine  of  State  sover 
eignty  is  the  meanest  doctrine  ever  lodged  in  the  Ameri 
can  mind.  It  is  political  poison,  and  if  this  country  is  de 
stroyed  that  doctrine  will  have  done  as  much  toward  it  as 
any  other  one  thing.  I  believe  the  Union  one  absolutely. 

NATIONAL   PROTECTION. 

The  Democrat  tells  me  that  when  I  am  away  from  home 
the  Government  will  protect  me;  but  when  I  am  home, 
when  I  am  sitting  around  the  family  fireside  of  the  Nation, 
then  the  Governmentcan  not  protect  me;  that  I  must  leave 
if  I  want  protection.  (Laughter.)  Now,  I  denounce  that 
doctrine.  For  instance,  we  are  at  war  with  another  country, 
and  the  American  Nation  comes  to  me  and  says:  "We 
want  you."  I  say:  "I  won't  go."  They  draft  me,  put  some 
names  in  a  wheel,  and  a  man  turns  it  and  another  man 
pulls  out  a  paper,  and  my  name  is  on  it,  and  he  says. 
"Come."  So  I  go  (laughter),  and  I  fight  for  the  flag. 
When  the  war  is  over,  I  go  back  to  my  State.  Now,  let  as 
admit  that  the  war  had  been  unpopular,  and  that  when  1 
got  to  the  State,  the  people  of  that  State  wished  to  trami  le 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  297 

upon  ray  rights,  and  I  cried  out  to  my  Government:  "Come 
and  defend  me;  you  made  me  defend  you."  What  ought 
the  Government  to  do?  I  only  owe  that  Government  alle 
giance  that  owes  me  my  protection.  Protection  is  the  other 
side  of  the  bargain;  that  is  what  it  must  be.  And  if  a 
Government  ought  to  protect  even  the  man  that  it  drafts, 
what  ought  it  to  do  for  the  volunteer  (A  voice,  ''That's  it!  "), 
the  man  who  holds  his  wife  for  a  moment  in  a  tremulous 
embrace,  and  kisses  his  children,  wets  their  cheeks  with  his 
tears,  shoulders  his  musket,  goes  to  the  field,  and  says, 
"  Here  I  am  to  uphold  my  flag."  (Applause.)  A  Nation 
that  will  not  protect  such  a  protector  is  a  disgrace  to  man 
kind,  and  its  flag  a  dirty  rag  that  contaminates  the  air  in 
which  it  waves.  (Applause.)  I  believe  in  a  Government 
with  an  arm  long  enough  to  reach  the  collar  of  any  rascal 
beneath  its  flag.  (Laughter.)  I  want  it  with  an  arm 
long  enough,  and  a  sword  sharp  enough,  to  strike  down 
tyranny  wherever  it  may  raise  its  snaky  head.  I  want 
a  Nation  that  can  hear  the  faintest  cries  of  its  hum 
blest  citizen.  (A  voice,  "That's  itl"  and  applause.) 
I  want  a  Nation  that  will  protect  a  freedman  stand 
ing  in  the  sun  by  his  little  cabin,  just  as  quick  as  it  would 
protect  Yanderbilt  in  a  palace  of  marble  and  gold.  (Ap 
plause.)  I  believe  in  a  Government  that  can  cross  a  State 
line  on  an  errand  of  mercy.  I  believe  in  a  Government 
that  can  cross  a  State  line  when  it  wishes  to  do  jus 
tice.  I  do  not  believe  that  the  sword  turns  to  air  at  a  State 
line.  1  want  a  Government  that  will  protect  me.  I  am 
here  to-day — do  I  stand  here  because  the  flag  of  Illinois  is 
above  met  I  want  no  flag  of  Illinois,  and  if  I  were  to  see 
it  I  should  not  know  it — I  am  here  to-day  under  the 
folds  of 


298  COL.  INGEKSOLL'S 

THE  FLAG  OF  MY  COUNTRY, 

for  which  more  good,  blessed  blood  has  been  shed  than  for 
any  other  flag  that  waves  in  this  world.  I  have  as  much 
right  to  speak  here  as  if  I  had  been  born  here.  (Laughter.) 
That  is  the  country  in  which  I  believe;  that  is  the  Nation 
that  commands  my  respect,  that  protects  all.  This  doctrine 
of  State  sovereignty  has  to  be  done  away  with;  we  have  got 
to  stamp  it  out.  Let  me  tell  you  its  history:  The  first 
time  it  appeared  was  when  they  wished  to  keep  the  slave 
trade  alive  until  1808.  The  first  resort  to  this  doctrine  was 
for  the  protection  of  piracy  and  murder,  and  the  next  time 
they  appealed  to  it  was  to  keep  the  slave  trade  alive,  so  that 
a  man  in  Virginia  could  sell  the  very  woman  who  nursed 
him,  to  the  rice  fields  of  the  South.  It  was  done  so  that 
they  could  raise  mankind  as  a  crop.  (Laughter.)  It  was  a 
crop  that  they  could  thrash  the  year  around.  (Renewed 
laughter.)  The  next  time  that  they  appealed  to  the  doc 
trine  was  in  favor  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  so  that 
every  white  man  in  the  North  was  to  become  a  hound,  to 
bay  upon  the  track  of  the  fugitive  slave.  Under  that  law 
the  North  agreed  to  catch  women  and  give  them  back  to 
the  blood-hounds  of  the  South.  Under  that  infamy  men 
and  women  were  held  and  were  kidnapped  under  the  shadow 
of  the  dome  of  the  National  Capitol.  If  the  Democratic 
party  had  remained  in  power  it  would  be  so  now.  (Cheers.) 
The  South  said:  "Be  friends  with  us;  all  we  want  is  to 
steal  labor;  be  friends  with  us;  all  we  want  of  you  is  to  have 
you  catch  our  slaves;  be  friends  with  us;  all  we  want  of  you 
is  to  be  in  partnership  in  the  business  of  slavery,  and  we  are 
to  take  all  the  money,  and  you  are  to  have  the  disgrace  and 
dishonor  for  your  shara"  The  divid  end  didn't  suit  me. 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  299 

STATE   RIGHTS  AND  THE  EXTENSION  OF  BLAVKBT. 

The  next  time  they  appealed  to  the  doctrine  of  State 
rights  was  that  they  might  extend  the  area  of  human  slav 
ery;  it  was  that  they  might  desecrate  the  fair  fields  of 
Kansas.  The  next  time  they  appealed  to  this  infamous  doc 
trine  was  in  secession  and  treason;  so  now,  when  I  hear  any 
man  advocate  this  doctrine,  I  know  that  he  is  not  a  friend  of 
my  country;  he  is  not  a  friend  of  humanity,  of  liberty  or 
of  progress. 

There  is  another  reason  why  I  am  opposed  to  the  Demo 
cratic  party.  We  have*  not  only  got  parties  to  trust,  we 
have  got  sections  of  the  country  to  trust.  They  say,  "Are 
we  never  to  be  friends  of  the  South  ? "  Yes,  when  the  South 
admits  that  they  were  wrong.  "When  they  get  up  to  that 
point,  they  will  know  that  whoever  is  conquered  by  right  is 
after  all  the  victor;  they  will  know  that  every  man  that  was 
whipped  by  freedom  remains  a  conqueror  upon  the  field;  every 
man  trampled  down  by  right  rises  like  a  god;  and  when  they 
get  great  enough  to  understand  this  philosophy,  they  will 
be  glad  they  didn't  succeed;  they  will  know  that  defeat  was 
their  only  possible  road  to  success.  (Applause.)  "We,  hav 
ing  saved  them  from  the  crime  of  slavery,  have  made  it 
possible  for  them  to  go  abreast  with  us  with  the  great 
march  of  human  progress,  and  the  time  will  come  when  the 
South  will  rejoice  that  we  succeeded,  because  the  right  was 
victorious. 

GENERAL   HANCOCK. 

Now,  we  not  only  have  to  choose  between  sections,  and 
between  parties,  but  also  between  men.  The  Democratic 
party  has  nominated  Gen.  Hancock  for  President  and  Mr. 
English  for  Vice  President.  For  several  years  last  past  the 
Democratic  party  has  been  doing  all  in  its  power,  or  pretend- 


3<x>  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

ing  to  do  all  in  its  power, to  destroy  the  army  and  the  National 
banks,  and  in  order  to  show  that  it  is  sincere  it  nominates 
for  President  a  Major-General  in  that  very  army,  and  also 
nominates  for  the  second  place  on  the  ticket  a  President  of 
a  National  Bank.  Now  you  know  they  are  honest.  I  have 
not  one  word  to  say  against  Gen.  Hancock.  No  doubt  he 
was  a  good,  brave,  splendid  soldier;  but  if  he  was  right  at 
Gettysburg,  he  is  wrong  now;  if  he  believed  in  State  rights 
then,  he  had  no  right  to  trample  that  right  between  the 
hoofs  of  his  horse.  The  South 

WHEN   AT   GETTYSBURG 

believed  in  State  sovereignty.  Lee  believed  in  it.  Jackson 
fought  for  it,  and  Hampton  swears  that  the  cause  of  Dem 
ocracy  to-day  is  the  same  cause  that  Lee  and  Jackson 
fought  for.  Hampton,  an  honorable  man,  told  the  truth. 
Who  has  changed  since  the  battle  of  Gettysburg,  Hancock 
or  the  South?  The  South  remains  where  it  was,  firm  as 
ever;  the  men  who  shot  at  him  there  wish  to  vote  for  him 
now.  They  have  not  changed.  Who  has?  Hancock  is  a 
soldier,  I  know,  but  a  few  of  his  ideas  in  regard  to  govern 
ment — all  I  know  I  get  from  Order  No.  40,  from  his  let 
ter  of  acceptance,  which  is  in  general  terms  an  approval  of 
the  constitution  (laughter),  and  from  two  or  three  letters 
and  telegrams  that  he  has  written  and  sent  since  his  nomi 
nation.  They  say  that  by  Order  No.  40  General  Hancock 
showed  that  he  was  in  favor  of  exalting  the  civil  power 
above  the  military.  That  order  did  no  such  thing;  that 
order  tells  the  General  that  he  must  not  interfere  unless  for 
the  purpose  of  keeping  order.  Who  under  that  order 
would  decide  whether  there  was  order,  the  General  or  the 
civil  power!  Under  that  order  the  General  was  to  decide 
whether  there  was  order  or  disorder.  From  his  decision 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  3OJ 

there  was  no  appeal,  and  Order  No.  40  puts  the  civil  power 
beneath  the  feet  of  the  military  authorities,  and  every 
body  knows  it  that  has  sense  to  read.  Gen.  Hancock,  too, 
the  other  day  had  the  kindness  to  certify  that  if  his  party 
did  wrong  he  would  not.  He  tells  the  American  people  in 
substance:  "  Of  course  you  cannot  trust  the  Democracy 
(laughter),  but  you  can  rely  on  me.  (Great  laughter.)  If 
my  party  passes  a  law  to  pay  the  Southern  claims,  I  now 
give  you  my  honor  that  I  will  defeat  the  party  that  exalts 
me  to  power."  (Laughter  and  applause.)  In  other  words, 
he  agrees  to  veto  the  bill  in  advance;  he  agrees  even  before 
he  is  elected  President.  He  swears  how  he  will  use  a  cer 
tain  discretionary  power  vested  in  him  by  the  Constitution, 
and  he  cannot  foresee  what  the  circumstances  will  be;  yet  in 
advance  he  solemnly  swears  what  his  better  judgment  will 
be  then.  He  knows  exactly  how  discreet  he  will  be. 
(Laughter.)  He  certifies  to  the  American  people  that  he 
will  veto  any  law  that  the  party  may  pass  for  the 

PAYMENT  OF  SOUTHERN  CLAIMS. 

How  did  he  ever  come  to  suspect  that  his  party  would 
pass  such  a  law?  (Laughter  and  prolonged  applause.) 
Garfield  has  written  no  letter  that  he  will  veto  a  law  to  pay 
Southern  claims.  Is  it  not  a  little  strange  that  the  can 
didate  has  to  certify  to  his  party?  (Laughter  and  cheers.) 
As  a  rule,  in  this  country,  the  party  has  always  certified  to 
the  candidate.  (Applause.)  If  General  Garfield  would  cer 
tify  that  he  would  veto  a  certain  law  if  it  was  passed  by  the 
Republican  party,  the  wjiole  party  would  feel  insulted. 
(Cries  of  "  Hear!"  "Hear!"  and  loud  applause.)  We 
would  say  to  him:  "  We  will  take  care  of  ourselves;  when 
you  become  President,  exercise  your  power  as  in  your  dis 
cretion  vou  believe  you  ought,  but  do  not  certify  to  the 


3O2  COL.  INGERSOLL  S 

moral  character  of  the  Republican  party."  (Applanse.) 
Why  did  Hancock  think  it  necessary  to  certify  to  their 
character?  Because  he  knew  it  is  bad.  (Laughter.)  He 
really  thought  the  American  people  had  more  confidence  ia 
Klin  than  in  the  Democratic  party ;  for  that  reason  he  steps 
to  the  front  and  says  to  the  country:  "I  will  not  allow 
these  ragamuffins  behind  me  (laughter) — I  will  not  allow 
these  rebels  who  placed  me  in  power — I  will  not  allow 
them  to  pass  a  law  that  I  don't  want."  (Laughter  and  ap 
plause.) 

He  says,  "  I  admit  they  are  bad;  look  at  them.  (Re 
newed  laughter.)  I  admit  you  cannot  trust  them,  but 
between  the  hungry  horde  and  the  American  people,  I 
promise  to  throw  the  shield  of  my  veto."  He  says:  "La 
dies  and  gentlemen,  I  will  protect  you  from  this  party. 
(Laughter.)  All  I  want  of  these  men  is  to  make  me 
President,  and  then  I  will  protect  you  and  let  them  go  to 
the  Devil."  (Laughter  and  applause.)  General  Hancock 
might  die  (laughter);  Death  might  veto  him.  (Roars  of 
laughter.)  From  the  grave  he  could  not  carry  out  his  promise 
and  who  comes  in  then?  Mr.  English.  Death  has  never  yet 
elected  a  good  President  in  the  United  States,  yet  death 
has  always  made  a  frightful  mistake.  (Laughter  and  ap 
plause.)  Read  the  letter  of  acceptance  made  by  Mr.  Eng 
lish  and  tell  me  whether  you  are  willing  to  trust  that  man. 
Read  his  history.  A  man  who  has  done  nothing  but  loan 
money,  take  deeds  of  trust  on  the  "  life,  liberty  and  pursuit 
of  happiness  "  of  the  people,  and  then  foreclose  the  deed,  and 
yet,  after  nominating  that  man  the  Democratic  party  passes 
a  resolution  that  they  will  save  the  people  from 

THE    CORMORANTS. 

(Laughter.)     It  won't  do;  we  don't  want  him.     (Laugh 
ter.)     I  had  rather  trust  a  party  than  any  man;  so    would 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  303 

you — yon  had  rather  trust  the  Republican  party  than  sim 
ply  Gen.  Hancock.  He  says:  "  I  am  a  shepherd;  I  will 
.  take  care  of  the  sheep;  I  admit  that  my  followers  are 
wolves."  (Laughter.)  Well,  I  say  rather  than  have  the 
wolves  we  will  dispense  with  you.  (Applause  and  langh- 
ter.)  What  are  the  ideas  of  this  soldier?  What  are  his 
ideas  about  money?  He  was  a  hard-money  man  they  tell 
me.  Mr.  Bayard,  the  representative  of  hard  money,  a 
man  who  once  in  the  Senate  voted  to  pay  the  bonds  in  de 
preciated  money,  and  to  pay  them  at  the  same  price  at 
which  they  were  originally  sold,  that  man  now  says:  "  As 
fast  as  we  redeem  a  greenback  let  us  burn  it  up;  let  us  put 
the  greenback  out  of  the  country;  when  he  knows  the 
greenback  bears  no  interest;  when  he  knows  it  is  gold. 
What  are  the  opinions,  I  say,  of  Gen.  Hancock?  I  say  he 
is  for  hard  money,  and  yet  when  a  Greenbacker  carried 
Maine,  he  congratulated  him.  Why  should  he  do  that  if 
he  is  a  believer  in  hard  money?  Why  should  he  be  de 
lighted  because  a  believer  in  paper  money  carried  the  State 
of  Maine?  I  don't  know.  Maybe,  after  all,  he  was  not  so 
glad  that  the  Greenbackcrs  carried  the  State  as  that  the 
Republicans  lost  it.  What  does  that  man  believe  in? 
Does  he  believe  in  free  trade?  I  don't  know.  What  kind 
of  a  tariff  does  he  want?  I  don't  know.  What  is  his  opin 
ion  about  things  of  interest  to  every  man  here?  I  don't 
know.  You  do  not  know.  I  would  like  to  hear  from  him. 
I  wish  we  had  heard  from  him  years  and  years  ago.  In  1868 
he  was  opposed  to  all  legislation  that  has  made  the  negro 
a  citizen.  In  1868  he  was  opposed  to  all  the 

LEGISLATION   GROWING   OUT   OF   THE   WAR. 

Only  a  little  while  ago  he  was  in  favor  of  soft  money; 
only  a  little  while  ago  he  said  that  we  never  could  redeem ; 


304  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

only  a  little  while  ago  he  was  a  Democrat  of  that  school; 
and  now  we  are  told  he  is  a  hard-money  man.  Now  we  are 
told  he  is  in  favor  of  the  constitutional  amendments.  Now 
we  are  told  he  is  in  favor  of  an  honest  vote  everywhere.  It 
won't  do.  (Laughter.) 

GARFIELD. 

On  the  other  hand,  we  have  a  man  who  is  a  trained  states 
man,  who  has  discussed  those  questions  time  and  time 
again,  and  whose  opinions  are  well  known  to  all  the  intelli 
gent  people  of  this  Union.  He  was  as  good  a  soldier  as 
Hancock  was.  (A  voice,  "A  volunteer,"  and  applause.) 
The  man  who  makes  up  his  mind  in  a  time  of  profound 
peace  to  make  war  the  business  of  his  life*,  the  man  who  is 
adopted  by  the  Government;  the  man  who  makes  war  his 
profession,  is,  in  my  judgment,  no  better  than  the  man  who 
in  time  of  peace  would  rather  follow  the  avocations  of  peace, 
and  who,  when  war  comes,  when  the  blast  of  conflict  blows 
in  his  ears,  buckles  on  his  sword  and  fights  for  his  native 
land,  and,  when  the  war  is  over,  goes  back  to  the  avocations 
of  peace.  (Applause.)  I  say  that  Garfield  was  as  good  a 
soldier  as  Hancock,  and  I  say  that  Garfield  took  away  from 
the  field  of  Chickamauga  as  much  honor  as  one  man 
can  carry.  (Applause.)  He  is  a  trained  statesman.  He 
knows  what  he  is  talking  about  and  he  talks  about  it  well. 
I  have  known  him  for  years.  I  know  him  as  well  as  I  know 
any  other  man,  and  I  tell  you  that  he  has  more  brains,  more 
education,  wider  and  more  splendid  views,  than  any  other 
man  who  has  been  nominated  for  the  Presidency  since  I 
was  born.  (Applause.) 

GARFIELD   NOT   A   BIGOT. 

Some  people  say  to  me:  "  How  can  you  vote  for  Garfield 
whence  is  a  Christian  and  was  a  preacher? "     I  tell  them 


GREAT  SPEECHES. 

I  have  two  reasons;  one  is  I  am  not  a  bigot,  and  the  other 
is,  Gen.  Garfield  is  not  a  bigot.  He  does  not  agree  with 
me;  I  do  not  agree  with  him  on  thousands  of  things;  but  on 
the  great  luminous  principle  that  every  man  must  give  to 
every  other  man  every  right  that  he  claims  for  himself  we 
do  absolutely  agree.  (Applause.)  I  would  despise  myself 
if  I  would  vote  against  a  man  simply  because  we  differed 
about  what  is  known  as  religion.  I  will  vote  for  a  liberal 
Catholic,  a  liberal  Presbyterian,  a  liberal  Methodist,  a  lib 
eral  anything,  ten  thousand  times  quicker  than  I  would  vote 
for  an  illiberal  free-thinker.  (Applause.)  I  believe  in  the 
right.  I  believe  in  doing  to  other  people  in  these  matters 
as  I  would  like  to  have  them  do  to  me. 

Gen.  Garfield  is  an  honest  man  every  way;  intellectual 
every  way.  He  is  a  poor  man;  he  is  rich  in  honor,  in  integ 
rity  he  is  wealthy,  aud  in  brains  he  is  a  millionaire.  (Laugh 
ter  and  applause.)  I  know  him,  and  if  the  people  of  Illi 
nois  knew  him  as  well  as  I  do,  he  would  not  lose  100  votes 
in  this  State.  He  is  a  great,  good,  broad,  kind,  tender  man, 
and  he  will  do,  if  elected  President,  what  he  believes  to  be 
right.  (Applause.)  I  like  him,  too,  because  he  is  a  certi 
ficate  of  the  splendid  form  of  our  Government.  1  like  him 
because,  under  our  institutions,  he  came  from  abject  pov 
erty  to  occupy  the  position  he  now  does  before  the  Ameri 
can  people.  He  will  make  Hope  the  tailor  of  every  ragged 
boy.  He  will  make  every  boy  think  it  possible,  no  matter 
how  poor  he  is,  no  matter  how  hungry  he  may  be,  he  will 
make  every  one  of  those  boys  believe  that  there  is  in  their 
horizon  some  one  beckoning  them  to  glory  and  to  honor. 
(Applause.)  That  is  the  reason  I  like  this  country,  be 
cause 

20 


306  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

EVERYBODY  HAS  A  CHANCB. 

I  like  it  because  the  poorest  man  can  live  hoping  his  boy 
may  occupy  the  highest  place.  That  is  the  reason  I  like 
this  country.  That  is  one  of  the  reasons  I  want  to  see  Gen. 
Oarfield  elected.  He  believes  in  honor;  he  believes  in  lib 
erty;  he  believes  in  an  honest  ballot;  he  believes  in  collect 
ing  the  revenues;  he  believes  in  good  money;  he  believes 
in  a  Government  of  law;  he  believes  that  this  is  absolutely 
a  Nation,  and  not  a  Confederacy,  and  I  believe  in  him. 
(Applause.)  Throwing  aside,  throwing  to  the  winds,  all 
prejudice,  all  partizanship,  all  hatreds,!  be^r  of  every  one  who 
hears  me  to  conscientiously  decide  for  himself  what,  nnder 
the  circumstances,  as  a  man,  as  a  patriot,  as  a  lover  of  jus 
tice,  he  ought  to  do.  That  is  all  I  want  you  to  do.  Be 
honor  bright.  (Laughter.)  Do  not  be  led  away  by  the  ap 
peals  of  gentlemen  who  once  belonged  to  the  Republican 
party.  Vote  to  sustain  the  greatest  possible  cause,  human 
liberty.  I  know  and  appreciate  what  our  liberty  has  cost. 
We  are  reaping  to-day  the  benefits  of  the  sufferings  of  every 
hero  who  ever  died.  "We  are  to-day  a  great,  a  united,  and 
a  splendid  people,  simply  because  somebody  was  great  and 
good  enough  to  die  that  we  might  live.  Now,  do  you  be 
lieve  if  the  dead  could  rise  from  their  graves — the  men  fall 
en  on  all  the  battlefields  of  the  war — could  they  rise  from 
the  unknown  graves  that  make  this  continent  sacred,  how 
would  they  vote  next  November?  Think  of  it  Let  us  be 
true  to  the  memory  of  every  man  that  ever  died  for  us. 
(Applause.) 

VOTING  WITH  REBELS. 

Let  me  ask  you  another  question.  How  do  the  men  who 
wished  to  destroy  this  Government  wish  yon  to  vote  now? 
How  would  every  rebel  in  the  South,  could  he  have 


GREAT  SPEECHES. 

to  the  North,  have  voted  in  1864?  How  would  every  rebel 
in  the  South,  if  he  could  have  visited  the  North,  how 
would  he  have  voted  in  1868,  in  1872,  in  1876?  How  would 
Jefferson  Davis  vote  if  he  were  in  the  north  to-day?  How 
would  the  men  that  starved  our  prisoners  at  Andersonville 
and  Libby, — and  Andersonville  and  Libby  are  the  mighty, 
mighty  wings  that  will  bear  the  memory  of  the  Confederacy 
to  eternal  infamy  (applause), — how  would  the  men  who 
starved  our  brave  boys  there  vote  if  they  were  in  Illinois 
now?  Every  one  of  them  would  hurrah  for  Hancock 

HOW   TO   VOTE. 

Let  us  be  honest.  We  are  reaping  the  reward  of  all 
these  great  and  glorious  actions,  and  every  good  man  who 
has  ever  lived  in  the  country,  no  matter  whether  he  has 
been  persecuted  or  not,  has  made  the  world  better. 

The  other  night  I  happened  to  notice  a  sunset.  The  sun 
went  down  and  the  West  was  full  of  light  and  fire,  and  I 
said :  "  There,  there  is  the  perfect  death  of  a  great  man ; 
that  sun,  dying,  leaves  a  legacy  of  glory  to  the  very  clouds 
that  obstruct  its  path.  -  (Applause.)  That  sun,  like  a  great 
man,  dying,  leaves  a  legacy  of  glory  even  to  the  ones  who 
persecuted  him,  and  the  world  is  glorious  only  because 
there  have  been  men  great  enough  and  grand  enough  to 
die  for  the  right."  (Applause.)  Will  any  man,  can  any 
man,  afford  to  die  for  this  country?  Then  we  can  afford  to 
vote  for  it.  If  a  man  can  afford  to  fight  for  it  and  to  die 
for  it,  I  can  afford  to  speak  for  it. 

And  now  I  beg  of  you,  every  man  and  woman,  no  mat 
ter  in  what  country  born, — if  you  are  an  Irishman, 
recollect  that  this  country  has  done  more  for  your  race  than 
all  other  countries  under  heavens;  (Applause.)  if  you 
are  A  German,  recollect  that  this  country  is  kinder  to  you 


COL.  INGERSOLL'S 


than  your  own  fatherland — no  matter  what  country  you 
come  from,  remember  that  this  country  is  an  asylum,  and 
vote  as  in  your  conscience  you  believe  you  ought  to  vote  to 
keep  this  flag  in  heaven.  I  beg  every  American  to  stand 
with  that  part  of  the  country  that  believes  in  law,  in  free 
dom  of  speech,  in  an  honest  vote,  in  civilization,  in  prog 
ress,  in  human  liberty,  and  in  universal  justice. 


a»  "HAUNTS  OF  COOT  AND  HjlBtf  ." 


Ingersoll  on  Fiat  Money.—  A  Talk  to  the  Mechanics  ol 
Newark,  N.  J. 

(Chicago  Tribune,  Oct.  %9,  1880.} 

You  can't  make  a  dollar  out  of  paper  except  by  taking  a 
dollar's  worth  of  paper  to  do  it.  Did  you  ever  hear  of  a  fiat 
load  of  corn,  or  a  fiat  load  of  wheat?  (Laughter.)  You  can 
no  more  make  a  paper  dollar  a  dollar,  than  you  can  make 
a  warehouse  certificate  a  load  of  wheat.  When  resumption 
is  an  accomplished  fact,  confidence  and  credit  take  the  place 
of  gold  and  silver.  I  admit  that  the  Democratic  party 
raised  their  share  of  corn,  and  pork,  and  wheat,  that  enabled 
us  to  resume.  They  furnished  their  share  of  the  money, 
and  the  Republicans  furnished  the  honor  to  pay  it  over. 
The  soft-money  Democrats  said  that  the  greenback  was  the 
money  for  the  poor  man.  Did  any  one  ever  hear  before  of 
money  that  sought  out  only  the  poor  man,  that  was  always 
hunting  for  fellows  that  were  dead-broke,  and  that  despised 
banks?  (Applause  and  laughter.) 

But  the  Democrats  wanted  us  to  put  the  finances  of  the 
country  into  the  hands  of  the  Solid  South,  who  had  repudi 
ated  $50,000,000  of  their  debts.  Could  such  people  be 
trusted  with  the  honor  of  the  country?  But  the  Democrats 
talked  of  centralization.  Their  theory  was  that  the  Gov 
ernment  was  bound  by  the  most  sacred  obligations  to  pro 
tect  its  citizens  in  England  or  Spain,  but  not  under  its  own 
flag.  It  had  the  right  to  drag  a  citizen  from  his  home,  to 
stand  him  up  before  a  loaded  battery,  to  make  him  food  few 
cannon,  to  tax  him  to  death,  and  yet,  when  in  return  for 
all  this  he  asked  to  be  protected  from  outrage  and  wrong, 
the  Democrats  cried  to  the  Government:  "Hands  off,  you 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  3H 

mustn't  interfere.     It's  unconstitutional!  "     What  a  mon 
strous  mockery  it  was! 

A  government  that  couldn't  protect  its  citizens  wasn't  fit 
to  exist  A  flasr  that  couldn't  defend  its  defenders  was  a 

o 

dirty  rag.     (Storms  of  applause.) 

The  speaker  described  the  repudiation,  brutality  and  folly 
of  the  "Solid  South,"  and  asked,  "Are  we  going  to  trust 
the  Government  to  these  people?"  A  thundering  "No '' 
was  the  response.  He  was  in  favor  of  trusting  them  when 
they  showed  repentance  and  mended  their  ways,  say  about 
fifty  years  hence,  and  with  a  very  few  and  unimportant  of 
fices  at  first.  (Laughter  and  applause.)  He  cheerfully 
admitted  that  if  it  hadn't  been  for  hundreds  of  thousands 
of  Democrats  we  couldn't  have  put  down  the  Rebellion,  and 
if  it  hadn't  been  for  Democrats  we  never  would  have  had  a 
Rebellion.  (Cheers  and  laughter.)  The  Democrats  were 
partners  in  our  national  misfortunes.  Bankruptcy,  hard 
trmes,  and  a  few  chilling  frosts,  that  would  ruin  the  crops, 
would  be  joy  for  them,  for  it  would  give  them  a  chance  to 
recover  their  lost  power.  They  would  be  delighted  with 
all  or  any  of  these  disasters.  Even  the  potato-bugs  would 
be  thankfully  received.  (Laughter  and  applause.) 

Colonel  Ingersoll  indulged  in  delicious  satire  respecting 
the  Democratic  candidates,  referring  to  Hancock's  cele 
brated  "tariff"  interview  in  a  way  that  sent  the  audience 
into  successive  roars  of  laughter  for  minutes.  Hancock  had 
heard  the  tariff  talked  of  "once"  in  his  native  State — in 
Pennsylvania!  He  must  have  been  eavesdropping.  (Laugh, 
ter.)  The  tariff,  according  to  Gen.  Hancock,  was  a  purely 
"local"  issue,  with  which  it  would  be  beneath  the  dignity 
of  the  President  and  Congress — in  a  word,  the  general 
Government — to  intermeddle.  Here  was  a  pretty  man  to 
be  President!  He  would  probably  consider  the  country  it- 


312 


COL.  INGERSOLL'S 


self  a  « local "  issue.  Of  William  H.  English,  Col.  Inger- 
soil  would  say  this:  "A  man  who  voted  against  expelling 
the  ruffians  who  all  but  murdered  Charles  Sumner  was  not 
fit  to  be  Yice- President  of  hell,  if  there  was  such  a  place. 
(Laughter  and  applause.)  To  utter  his  name  was  the  mean 
est  thing  one  could  say  of  him.  (Applause.)  "  "What  is 
Hancock  in  favor  of  ? "  asked  Col.  Ingersoll  in  conclusion. 
"  You  don't  know,  I  don't  know,  he  don't  know."  (Laugh 
ter.)  He  says  he  will  veto  rebel  claims.  I  tell  you  he  won't 
have  the  chance  to  veto  anything.  Ohio  vetoed  him,  and 
Indiana  indorsed  it.  (Thunders  of  applause.) 


A.  Powerful  Plea  by  Col.   Ingersoll  in  Behalf  of  the 
Star-Route  Men.* 

(Chicago  Times,  Sept.  6, 188%.) 

WASHINGTON, Sept. 5. — [Special.] — The  desire  to  hearCoL 
Ingersoll,  gratis,  kept  Judge  Wylie's  court-room  packed 
all  day,  and  the  odors  that  arose  from  the  perspiring  throng 
were  not  those  of  Araby  the  Blest.  Judge  Wylie,  whose 
face,  form  and  voice,  strikingly  recall  Aid.  Throop,  rested 
his  face  against  his  left  hand  and  slowly  fanned  hiiusell 
with  a  palm-leaf  in  his  right,  bending  forward  when 
h^  had  occasion  to  speak  to  the  lawyers.  Col.  Ingersoll 
opened  with  a  glorification  of  the  United  States,  in  which 
he  denied  the  existence  of  corruption  in  this  country,  and 
declared  that  the  war  did  not  produce  a  demoralization  of 
officials  or  public  sentiment.  It  was  not  possible  according 
to  his  philosophy,  that  a  war  waged  for  the  emancipation 
of  slaves  should  have  relaxed  moral  sentiment.  Most  of  his 
speech  afforded  little  room  for  eloquence  or  wit,  as  he  took 
up  route  after  route  of  the  nineteen  in  the  indictment,  and 
went  through  about  the  same  form  in  each  case,  insisting  that 

*  The  star- route  trials  were  begun  in  the  Criminal  Court  of  the  District 
of  Columbia,  March  25,  1882.  The  first  trial  ended  in  a  disagreement 
of  the  jury,  Sept.  6,  1882.  Fresh  indictments  were  found,  and  the  case 
re-opened  before  the  Department  of  Justice  in  the  following  December, 
and  was  concluded  June  14,  1883.  The  jury  brought  in  a  verdict  of  "  not 
guilty."  The  staF-routes  are  those  over  which  the  mails  are  carried  by 
other  conveyance  than  that  of  railways.  They  are  so  called  because  in 
the  records  of  the  department  they  are  marked  with  an  asterisk,  thus  *. 
The  trials  were  brought  about  by  the  discovery  that  certain  members  of 
the  Post-office  department  were  believed  to  be  letting  the  contracts  for 
carrying  the  mails  over  these  routes  to  their  own  profit  but  much  in- 
creased  expense  to  the  Government. — Inter-Octan  Curiosity  Shop. 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  31} 

the  evidence  did  not  agree  with  the  indictments;  that  the  af 
fidavits  were  made  at  other  times  and  by  other  persons  than 
those  set  forth  in  the  indictments,  and  that  instead  of  being 
false  they  were  true.  He  spoke  for  the  most  part  in  large 
capitals,  but  occasionally  fatigue  compelled  him  to  subside 
into  italics. 

HIS   FISTS, 

however,  were  shaken  in  the  faces  of  the  jurors  with  an  en 
ergy  that  was  surprising,  in  view  of  the  temperature.  As 
he  concluded  his  consideration  of  each  case,  he  exhibited 
to  the  jury  the  sheet  containing  his  memoranda  to  show 
that  there  was  really  nothing  connected  with  that  case  that 
he  had  not  discussed.  .^Occasionally  he  made  some  remark 
that  caused  a  titter  in  the  audience,  and  when  he  spoke  of 
the  case  of  John  "W.  Dorsey  as  something  new  and  fresh 
about  which  the  jury  had  heard  little  or  nothing,  even  the 
Judge  had  to  spread  his  hand  over  his  face  to  conceal  his 
emotions.  The  Colonel's  best  sallies  were  too  subtle  for  the 
crowd.  When  he  said  Stephen  W.  Dorsey  was  not  a  mere 
politician,  but  a  statesman,  and  when  he  depicted  in  the 
most  pathetic  manner  the  gloom  which  had  been  cast  over 
the  homes  and  the  anguish  which  had  riven  the  souls  of  his 
clients  and  their  families  by  reason  of  the  accusations  made 
by  the  Government  attorneys,  there  was  not  so  much  as  a 
smile.  Like  Mr.  Ker  and  Gen.  Henkle,  Col.  "Ingersoll 
sought  to  utilize  ungiven  testimony,  and  one  of  the  Gov 
ernment  lawyers  rose  to  object,  but  the  Colonel  explained 
that  what  he  was  saying  was  mainly  in  reply  to  the  remarks 
of  one  of  the  lawyers  on  the  other  side,  and  the  court  ob 
served  in  a  rather  high,  thin  voice  that  he  should  not  stop 
him,  and  then  settled  back  in  his  chair  with  a  smile,  the  re 
sult  of  the  consciousness  that  he  was  holding  the  scales  be- 


316  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

tween  the  two  sets  of  lawyers  with  an  even  hand.     During 
the  delivery  of  Col.  Ingersoll's  speech 
THE  JURORS 

were  apparently  the  least  interested  persons  present.  The 
crowd  were  of  course  intent  on  getting  all  the  enjoyment 
possible  out  of  the  occasion,  while  the  jurors  are  nearly 
worn  out  and  can  not  be  expected  to  regard  the  thing  as  a 
show.  Two  or  three  of  the  jurors  sat  bolt  upright  and  kept 
their  eyes  on  the  speaker,  but  the  rest  got  themselves  into 
as  comfortable  positions  as  possible  and  leaned  their  heads 
upon  anything  that  was  handy.  However  listless  they  may 
have  appeared  their  minds  couldn't  have  possibly  wandered 
from  the  arguments  addressed  to  them.  There  is  little 
doubt  that  the  speech  made  a  strong  impression  on  the 
minds  of  the  twelve  good  men  and  true.  The  Colonel's  pre 
liminary  remark  about  the  ennobling  effect  of  a  war  waged  to 
free  slaves  was  not  an  incidental  remark  made  for  no  pur 
pose,  and  it  seemed  to  make  a  pleasing  impression  on  the 
person  to  whom  it  was  addressed.  The  Colonel  seemed 
to  anticipate  an  unfavorable  charge  by  the  Judge,  for  he 
reminded  the  jury  that  a  juror's  courage  in  refusing  to 
sacrifice  his  convictions  of  right  to  the  dictates  of  the 
court  had  often  proved  to  be  an  act  of  heroism  which  a 
whole  world  had  applauded.  He  explained  that  he  made 
this  statement  without  reference  to  the  pending  case,  but 
merely  as  a  fact 

The  Colonel's  speech  was  admirably  adapted  to  influ 
ence  the  minds  of  the  jurors.  He  made  the  case  of  his 
clients  seem  so  simple  and  plain  that,  repeated  as  his  sum 
mary  was  in  almost  the  same  terms  with  every  route  in  the 
list,  it  could  hardly  fail  to  find  lodgment  in  the  minds  of 
the  jurors.  A  verdict  of  guilty  is  hardly  expected  here* 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  317 

The  case  of  the  Government  is  necessarily  complicated, 
and  the  jurors  can  understand  and  remember  the  simple 
denials  of  the  defense,  presented  with  Col.  Ingersoll's  force, 
more  easily  than  the  elaborate  and  cumulative  arguments 
of  the  prosecution;  but  the  faces  of  the  jurors  during  the 
Colonel's  address  afforded  no  evidence  of  their  minds'  con 
struction. 

THE    AEGUMENT. 

WASHINGTON,  Sept.  5. — (Press.) — The  criminal  court 
room  was  crowded  this  morning  with  an  audience  anxious  to 
hear  Col.  Ingersoll's  address  to  the  jury  in  the  star-route 
trial.  The  Colonel  began  his  argument  with  an  expressed 
desire  that  the  jury  should  understand  him.  He  was  as 
much  opposed  to  official  corruption  as  any  man  in  the 
world.  The  taxes  were  paid  by  labor  and  industry,  and 
they  should  be  disbursed  by  integrity,  and  any  man  that 
was  untrue  to  his  official  oath  and  the  position  that  the  peo 
ple  honored  him  with  ought  to  be  punished.  He  had  not 
one  word  to  say  in  defense  of  any  man  who  he  believed  had 
robbed  the  treasury.  He  wanted  the  jury  to  understand 
that  he  was  not  defending,  not  excusing,  not  endeavoring 
to  palliate  the  slightest  dishonesty  in  any  public  official. 

The  jury  had  been  told  the  people  of  the  United  States 
were  a  demoralized  people,  that  the  tide  of  dishonesty  was 
rising,  ready  to  sweep  from  one  shore  of  the  country  to  the 
other.  It  had  been  appealed  to  to  find  innocent  men  guilty 
in  order  that  this  tide  might  be  successfully  resisted.  It 
had  been  told  that  it  was  necessary  to  make  an  example  of 
somebody  in  order  that  the  country  might  take  the  road  to 
honesty. 

The  country  had  been  in  war,  but  lie  denied  that  war 
had  demoralized  the  people.  Whoever  fought  for  right  did 
not  demoralize  himself;  he  ennobled  himself,  and  the  war 


3l8 

through  which  the  country  'lad  ^a&sed  had  been  a  reforma 
tion,  not  a  demoralization. 
The  war  was 

A   PERIOD   OF     MORAL    ENTHUSIASM, 

during  which  the  people  had  become  a  thousand  times 
grander  and  nobler  than  they  had  ever  been  before.  When 
we  shook  the  shackles  off  of  4,000,000  people  it  did  not  de 
moralize  us.  The  jury  had  been  told  that  the  United 
States  was  distinguished  among  the  nations  of  the  world 
only  for  corruption.  It  made  no  difference  to  him  that  it 
was  quoted  from  a  Republican  senator.  He  denied  it;  he 
had  always  supposed  the  people  of  America  were  distin 
guished  for  free  schools,  for  free  speech,  for  just  laws,  not 
for  corruption.  The  jury  was  appealed  to  to  become  cor- 
rupt. 

He  never  would  try  to  put  a  stain  on  the  forehead  of  his 
country  in  order  that  he  might  consign  some  honest  men 
to  the  penitentiary.  The  only  mercy  his  clients  asked  of 
the  jury  was  the  mercy  of  an  honest  verdict  according  to 
the  evidence  and  according  to  the  law.  That  was  all  they 
asked — that  they  expected.  An  honest  verdict  was  a  ver 
dict  in  accordance  with  the  evidence.  Whoever  found  a 
verdict  to  please  power;  whoever  violated  his  conscience 
that  he  might  be  in  accord,  or  supposed  accord,  with  an 
administration  or  government,  was  bribed.  Whoever  bent 
to  public  demands  or  bowed  before  the  public  press  was 
bribed.  Fear,  prejudice,  malice,  the  love  of  approbation, 
bribed  a  thousand  men  where  gold  bribed  one. 

AN   HONEST  VERDICT 

was  the  result,  not  of  fear,  but  of  courage;  not  of  prejudice 
but  of  candor;  and  above  all  it  was  the  result  of  the  love 
of  justice. 


GREAT  SPEECHES. 

Then  turning  to  an  examination  of  the  indictment,  he  ar 
gued  that  overt  acts  charged  must  be  proved  exactly  as 
alleged,  no  matter  whether  the  description  was  unnecessary 
or  not. 

In  support  of  this  position  he  quoted  from  numerous  au 
thorities,  until  the  court  remarked  that  was  a  legal  position 
which  would  not  be  controverted,  and  suggested  it  was  un 
necessary  for  Mr.  Ingersoll  to  cite  further  authorities.  Mr. 
Ingersoll  then  proceeded  to  a  minute  analysis  of  the  charges 
in  the  indictment,  taking  up  and  examining  all  the  routes 
in  detail,  showing  the  variances  which  existed  between 
the  charges  in  the  indictment  and  the  evidence,  especially 
in  relation  to  dates.  Making 

A   RESUMB 

of  his  arguments,  he  said  that  in  the  indictment  there  were 
twelve  charges  as  to  the  filing  of  false  petitions,  ten  charges 
as  to  false  oaths,  seven  charges  as  to  fraudulently  sign 
ing  sub-contracts.  The  evidence  showed  the  ten  oaths 
were  true;  that  it  was  impossible  fraudulently  to  file  a  sub 
contract,  and  that  the  petitions  were  absolutely  genuine  and 
honest  with  two  exceptions.  The  prosecution  hastened  to 
prove  that  in  one  petition  the  words  "  schedule  thirteen 
hours"  had  been  inserted;  but  he  denied  that  the  evidence 
sustained  that  claim.  The  other  petition  which  the  prose 
cution  claimed  to  be  "fraudulent"  was  the  "Utah  "  petition, 
and  this  had  remained  unacted  upon  by  the  Second  Assist 
ant  Postmaster-General. 

Mr.  Ingersoll,  addressing  the  court,  said  he  supposed  he 
could,  with  propriety,  draw  an  inference  as  to  the  policy 
of  the  Post-office  from  the  papers  presented  in  this  case. 
The  court  replied  that  he  had  refused  to  receive  evidence  on 
that  subject  when  offered  by  the  defense,  for  the 


320  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

reason  he  was  of  the  opinion  that  no  Second  Assistant  Post 
master-General  could  establish  any  policy  for  the  Govern- 
ment,  or  for  any  branch  of  the  Government.  The  policy 
of  the  Government  was  to  be  found  in  the  law,  and  the 
court  was  unwilling  to  let  the  Second  Assistant  Postmaster- 

O 

General  set  up  his  policy  in  defense  of  his  case.  He  had 
no  right  to  have  a  policy. 

Mr.  Ingersoll  replied  that  he  had  never  sought  to  set  up 
the  policy  of  the  Second  Assistant  Postmaster- General,  or 
had  never  dreamed  of  such  a  thing.  All  he  had  insisted  was 
that  the  general  policy  of  the  head  of  the  department  might 
be  followed  by  subordinate  officers  without  laying  them 
selves  open  to  the  charge  of  having  been  purchased. 

Mr.  Ingersoll  then  took  up  the  charges  of  payment  of 
false  claims,  taking  up  first  the  Kearney-Kent  route.  On 
this  route  the  prosecution  claimed  that  the  payment  of 
$552.72  had  been  made  on  a  false  claim  presented  by  Peck 
and  Yalle.  There  was  no  evidence  to  show  that  the  expe 
dition  was  fraudulent,  but,  conceding  that  it  was,  the  total 
amount  of  false  payment  was  $16.60.  The  record  further 
showed  that  Peck  did  not  present  this  claim.  The  same 
was  true  of  the  other  route.  Incidentally  Ingersoll  men 
tioned  Turner's  name  and  severely  criticized  the  action  of  the 
prosecution  in  regard  to  that  defendant.  He  had  been  in 
dicted,  taken  from  his  home,  and  pursued  as  though  he 
were  a  wild  beast.  The  Government  could  not  prove  a 
single  thing  against  him,  and  there  was  only  one  course 
left,  to 

DISMISS  HIM  WITH  AN  INSULT. 

The  prosecution  alleged  that  J.  "W.  Dorsey  received  by 
fraud  $124,591.  The  evidence  showed  that  there  were  seven 
Dorsey  routes,  which  paid  $58,994,  and,  in  truth,  Dorsey 
got  only  $392,  not  another  copper.  That,  he  should  insist, 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  321 

was  a  fatal  variance.  Every  link  in  the  chain  in  the  indict 
ment  was  a  mistake  or  a  falsehood.  It  was  made  by  adding 
mistake  to  falsehood,  and  what  the  indictment  weaved  the 
evidence  raveled.  Why  were  false  dates  put  in  the  indict 
ment?  The  prosecution  had  to  deceive  the  grand  jury.  It 
would  not  do  to  tell  the  grand  jury  that  the  defendants  con 
spired  on  the  23d  of  May,  and  in  pursuance  of  that  con 
spiracy  filed  affidavits  on  the  3d  of  April  preceding.  Then 
they  had  to  deceive  the  court,  because,  if  the  true  dates 
had  been  set  forth  in  the  indictment,  the  court  would 
have  instantly  said:  "You  cannot  prove  a  conspiracy  on 
the  23d  of  May  by  showing  overt  acts  in  April  previous." 
Did  the  prosecution  expect  to  win  the  case  on  this  indict 
ment?  No;  but  they  could  keep  it  up  in  court  long  enough 
to  allow  them  to  attack  and  malign  the  character  of  the  de 
fendants;  long  enough  to  vent  their  venom  and  spleen  on 
good  and  honest  men,  and  justify  in  part  the  commence 
ment  of  this  infamous  prosecution. 

During  recess  the  number  of  spectators  increased  rather 
than  diminished,  and  when  Mr.  Ingersoll  resumed,  the  at 
mosphere  of  the  court  room  was  exceedingly  close.  He  be 
gan  by  saying  that  in  the  forenoon  he  had  tried  to  strip  the 
green  leaves  off  the  indictment.  He  now  proposed  to  at 
tack  the  main  limbs  and  trunk.  What  was 

THE   SCHEME   OF   THE   INDICTMENT? 

1.  That    the   contractors,  defendants,  had  written,   or 
procured  to  be  written,  fraudulent  communications,  letters 
and  applications.     Was  there  the  slightest  evidence   that  a 
fraudulent  letter  was  ever  written?    Not  the  slightest. 

2.  That  they  attached  forged  names  to   the  petitions. 
Was  there  any  evidence  of  that,  except  in  one  case?  And  the 

21 


322  COL.  INGERSO1..£/S 

evidence  in  this  case  was  that  an  order  was  made  before  the 
petition  was  received. 

3.  That  they  procured  signatures  of  persons  not  living 
on  routes  on  which  service  was  expedited.    There  was  no 
evidence  of  that  fact. 

4.  That  they  made  false  oaths  and  declarations. 

5.  That  Turner  falsely  indorsed  packets  containing  pe- 
citions.     This  indictment  against  Turner  had  been  changed 
into  a  certificate  of  good  moral  character.     When  he  (Inger- 
eoll)  knew  a  man  who  had  fought  for  the  flag  of  his   coun 
try,  who  had  lain  on  the  field  of  Gettysburg  with  a  Confed 
erate  bullet  in  his  leg,  he  was  glad   to  have  the  evidence 
show  that  man  to  be  not  only  a  patriot  but  an  honest  man 
with  a  spotless  reputation.     He  did  not  believe  that  in  or 
der  to  be  a  good  man  one  had  to  be  as  cold  as  an    icicle. 
He  did  not  think  that  if  a  man  wished   to  be  like  God  (if 
there  was  a  God)  it  was  necessary  to  be  heartless. 

6.  That  Brady,  for  the  benefit  of  gain  and  profit  of  all 
the  defendants,  did  something  or  other.     He  wished  to  place 
special  emphasis  on  the  word  "  all,"  for  that  included  Tur 
ner. 

7.  That  Brady  had  not  entered  fines  against  contractors 
when  they  did  not  perform  their  service.      What  evidence 
was  there  of  that?    That  the  whole  amount  of  fines  im 
posed  by  Brady  amounted  to  $126,865,  and  that  he  remit 
ted  fines  to  the  amount  of  $23,000  only. 

8.  That  Brady  fraudulently  cut  oif  the  service  and  then 
put  it  on  again.     That  appeared  in  two  cases,  the  one  in 
volving  $39  and  the  other  something  more. 

9.  That  the  defendants  fraudulently  filed  sub-contracts. 
The  evidence  showed  that  that  was  an  impossible  offense. 

This  was  the  scheme  of  the  indictment,  and  he  insisted 
that  the  scheme  must  be  proved  precisely   as  it  had  been 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  32$ 

laid,  without  the  variation  of  a  hair.  In  support  of  this 
proposition  ho  cited  "  Starkie's  Criminal  Law,"  "  Roscoe's 
Criminal  Evidence,"  and  other  authorities.  He  also  called 
the  court's  attention  to  the  case  of  The  King  against  Pale- 
man  et  al.  (10  Campbell.)  It  was  there  shown  that  one  of 
the  conspirators,  named  Watson,  was  in  ignorance  of  the 
manner  in  which  the  fruits  of  the  conspiracy  were  to  be 
divided,  while  the  indictment  charged  he  knew  the  manner 
in  which  the  division  was  to  be  made.  Lord  Ellenbor- 
ough  stated  that  Watson  must  be  acquitted  on  the  ground 
that  all  the  defendants  must  be  cognizant  of  the  conspiracy 
precisely  as  stated  in  the  indictment.  So,  in  this  case,  the 
prosecution  must  not  only  prove  the  indictment  according 
to  the  scheme  described,  but  they  must  prove  that  every  de 
fendant  knew  the  scheme — how  it  was  to  be  accomplished. 

The  Court. — In  the  case  you  cited  Watson  was  acquitted. 
What  was  done  with  the  others? 

Mr.  Ingersoll — They  were  found  guilty,  because  they 
were  guilty  as  the  indictment  charged. 

Turning  to  the  jury,  Mr.  Ingersoll  said  he  would  ask  the 
court  to  instruct  them  that  no  matter  how  guilty  the  de 
fendants  might  be  they  had  to  be  tried  by  this  indictment, 
and  by  no  other.  The  prosecution  had  said  the  money  was 
to  be  divided  among  everybody.  Was  there  any  evidence 
that  there  was  any  division? 

The  Court — That  is  not  the  question.  The  question  is 
with  what  view  was  the  conspiracy  entered  into.  The  ob 
ject  of  the  conspiracy  might  have  failed,  the  money  mi^lit 
not  have  been  divided,  but  the  conspiracy  might  still  have 
been  entered  into. 

Mr.  Ingersoll — But  if  they  set  forth  in  the  indictment 
that  the  money  was  divided,  that  statement  is  not  worth  a 
last  year's  dead  leaf  unless  they  prove  it.  It  amounts  to 


324 


COL.  INGERSOLL  S 


nothing  more  than  the  characters  engraved  upon  the  water* 
or  written  on  the  fogs. 

Mr.  Ingersoll  then  passed  on  to  examine  the   testimony 
in  relation  to 

j.  w.  DORSET'S  CONNECTION 

in  the  conspiracy,  and  first  he  impressed  upon  the  jnry  that 
suspicion  was  not  evidence.  If  there  were  taken  out  of 
this  case  suspicions,  rumors,  prejudices,  epithets  and  arro 
gant  declarations,  the  amount  of  real  evidence  would  be 
surprisingly  small.  Prejudice  would  give  the  lie  to  all  the 
other  senses.  It  would  swear  the  North  Star  out  of  the  sky 
of  truth.  It  was  the  womb  of  injustice,  and  the  man  who 
could  not  rise  above  prejudice  was  not  a  civilized  man,  but 
a  barbarian.  He  did  not  wish  the  case  tried  by  prejudice. 
Mr.  Merrick  had  said  in  his  address  he  had  once  argued 
that  the  jury  were  the  judges  of  the  law  as  well  as  of  the 
fact,  but  that  at  the  same  time  he  did  not  believe  it  was  safe 
and  true  doctrine.  Was  he  candid  then?  Was  he  candid 
now?  His  doctrine  appeared  to  be  this:  "When  I  am 
afraid  of  the  court  I  insist  that  the  jury  are  judges  of  the 
law.  When  I  am  afraid  of  the  jury  I  turn  the  law  over  to 
the  court."  He  (Ingersoll)  believed  J.  W.  Dorsey  to  be  ab 
solutely  an  honest  man.  Mr.  Merrick  had  called  John  W. 
Dorsey  a  perjurer  because  he  made  two  affidavits  on  the 
same  route — 38,145.  No  such  charge  was  made  in  the  in 
dictment,  but  he  would  answer  it.  Mr.  Ingersoll  then  went 
on  to  show  that  the  two  affidavits,  though  filed  on  the  same 
day,  were  not  made  within  a  month  of  each  other.  The 
only  question  was  whether  the  last  affidavit  was  made  for 
the  purpose  of  perpetrating  a  fraud  upon  the  Government. 
The  first  affidavit  stated  that  ten  men  and  horses  were  re 
quired  to  perform  the  then  service,  and  that  under  the  pro 
posed  schedule  thirty -seven  were  required.  If  pay  had 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  325 

been  calculated  on  that  affidavit  it  would  have  amounted  to 
$13,433.  The  second  affidavit  said  the  then  service  re 
quired  twenty  men  and  animals,  and  that  the  proposed  serv 
ice  would  require  fifty-four.  Under  the  second  affidavit, 
which  the  prosecution  said  was  willful  and  corrupt  perjury, 
he  only  got  $8,457.  Nothing  had  been  shown  in  the  case 
more  calculated  to  put  J.  W.  Dorsey  in  a  grander  light 
than  this  very  affidavit.  There  was  no  evidence  to  show 
that  he  had  ever  spoken  with  Brady  or  Turner;  that  he  had 
ever  entered  into  any  agreement  with  them  of  any  sort, 
character,  or  description,  at  any  place,  at  any  time,  on  any 
subject,  for  any  purpose.  There  was  no  evidence  that  he 
had  ever  received  a  solitary  dollar  from  the  United  States 
except  $392.  In  other  words  the  testimony  showed  that 
John  W.  Dorsey  was  an  honest  man,  and  there  was  no  jury 
never  had  been,  never  would  be,  that  would  find  a  man  like 
that  guilty  on  evidence  such  as  had  been  presented. 
Now  he  came  to  speak  of  his  other  client, 

STEPHEN   DORSET, 

a  friend  of  his,  a  man  who  was  not  simply  a  politician,  but 
a  statesman.  Mr.  McSweeny,  in  his  opening  add r egg,  had 
stated  that  S.  "W.  Dorsey  had  lost  money  on  his  star-routes, 
and  Mr.  Merrick  had  criticized  the  defense  for  not  calling 
JBosler  to  prove  the  statement.  He  (Ingersoll)  wanted  to 
know  why  the  prosecution  had  not  put  Bosler  on  the  stand 
to  prove  that  Dorsey  had  not  lost  money. 

Mr.  Merrick — There  was  no  evidence  whatever  as  to 
whether  S.  W.  Dorsey  lost  money  on  these  routes,  and  the 
statement  of  counsel  in  opening  cannot  be  used,  I  submit, 
as  evidence  by  counsel  in  closing. 

The  Court — I  understand  that  the  remarks  now  made, 
are  in  reply  to  remarks  made  in  the  opening. 

Mr.  Merrick — The  opening  of  their  own  counsel. 


326 


COL.  INGERSOLL'S 


Mr.  Ingersoll — Mr.  McSweeny  said  S.  "W.  Dorsey  had 
lost  monej,  aud  Mr.  Merrick  asked  why  he  had  not  brought 
Bosler  to  prove  that. 

Mr.  Merrick — Not  as  to  money,  but  as  to  the  distribu 
tion  of  routes,  and  the  loan  of  money  to  Dorsey  and  Dor 
sey's  transfer  of  routes  to  Bosler  as  security  for  the  money. 

The  Court — I  shall  not  interfere. 

Mr.  Ingersoll — Good. 

The  Court — I  think  the  remark  is  in  reply  to  an  obser 
vation  of  your  own,  Mr.  Merrick. 

Mr.  Ingersoll  then  went  on  to  comment,  at  some  length, 
upon  the  fact  that  the  Government  had  not  called  Bosler. 
and  next  turned  his  attention  to  the  overt  acts  charged 
against  S.  W.  Dorsey.  He  was  delighted  at  having  an  op 
portunity  to  answer  forever  all  the  infamous  things  said 
against  that  man.  He  analyzed,  seriatim,  the  charges 
brought  against  Dorsey,  claimed  that  the  evidence  wholly 
failed  to  sustain  them,  and  then  went  into  a  recapitulation 
of  those  charges  which,  he  asserted,  consisted  of  two  mis 
takes  and  one  impossible  offense.  The  mistakes  were 
charges  of  filing  false  petitions  and  affidavits;  the  impossi 
ble  offense,  filing  fraudulent  sub-contracts.  Mr.  Dorsey 
had  been  called  a  robber  and  thief,  but  the  evidence  showed 
he  was  an  honest  man. 

Mr.  Ingersoll  then  quoted  from  Mr.  Merrick's  remarks 
some  sentences  which  he  claimed  conveyed  a  false  impres 
sion  to  the  jury,  aud  with  a  good  deal  of  emphasis  said: 
f  There's  not  money  enough  in  the  veins  of  this  world  to 
tempt  me  to  mis-state  evidence  when  a  man  is  on  trial  for 
his  life  and  liberty." 

Court  adjourned,  Mr.  Ingersoll  stating  he  would  close 
his  address  to-morrow. 


o 

f 
o 

O 

w 


O 

o 

O 

O 


W 

o 

a 

t/5 


CLOSE    OF     INGERSOLL'S    ELOQUENT     AD- 
DRESS  IN  THE   STAR-ROUTE  TRIAL. 


Men  Moved  to  Applause  and  Women  to  Tears  by  His 
Word-paintings. 

AW  ILLUSTRATION    TAKEN    FROM   A   SCRIPTURAL  INCIDENT   THK 
CLIMAX  OF  HIS  GREAT  EFFORT. 

(Chicago  Times,  Sept.  7, 1888.) 

WASHINGTON,  Sept.  6. — [Special] — The  concluding  part 
of  Col.  Ingersoll's  address,  which  occupied  the  forenoon 
was  in  his  best  oratorical  style,  and  an  unfortunate  allusion 
by  one  of  the  Government  counsel  to  Mrs.  Dorsey's  presence 
during  the  trial,  afforded  him  an  opportunity  to  pay  a  fer 
vid  tribute  to  womanly  devotion  that  moved  the  emotions 
of  the  audience  in  a  most  marked  manner.  The  jurors  have 
grown  too  used  to  eloquence  to  exhibit  much  feeling,  but 
the  opinions  of  those  who  have  followed  the  proceedings 
are  that  Ingersoll's  speech  was  not  only  a  great  effort,  but 
a  great  success.  In  the  lucid  and  forcible  presentation  of 
one  side  of  a  case  Col.  Ingersoll  cannot  be  matched  by  any 
of  his  colleagues  or  opponents,  and  he  made  a  deep  impres 
sion  on  the  jury.  The  jurors  are  a  bright,  intelligent  set 
of  men,  and,  considering  the  fact  that  for  three  months  they 
have  done  nothing  but  listen  to  the  testimony  and  Argu 
ments  on  this  case,  they  manifest  more  interest  in  the  pro 
ceedings  than  one  would  expect  As  the  case  draws  to  an 
end  and  the  best  speakers  address  the  jury,  public  interest 
increases.  The  court-room  was  packed  all  this  morning, 

(328) 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  329 

and  most  of  those  who  had  seats  stayed  through   the  recess 
to  keep  them. 

INGERSOLL'S  ARGUMENT  RESUMED. 

WASHINGTON,  Sept.  6.  (Press.) — Col.  Ingersoll,  in  resum 
ing  his  argument  this  morning  in  the  star-route  trial,  re 
ferred  to  the  statement  by  S.  W.  Dorsey  to  Postmaster-Gen 
eral  James,  and  commented  upon  the  fact  that  the  prosecu 
tion  had  not  presented  that  statement  in  evidence. 

The  Court — For  any  tiling  the  court  knows  it  may  h-ave 
been  a  confession. 

Mr.  Ingersoll — If  it  had  been  a  confession  it  would  have 
been  here;  if  one  word  in  it  was  consistent  with  the  testi 
mony,  it  would  have  been  here. 

The  Court — No  man  charged  with  crime  can  say  that  be 
cause  he  did  not  deny  it,  it  is  evidence  of  his  guilt. 

Mr.  Ingersoll — It  is  not  evidence  either  way,  but  if  I  am 
charged  with  a  crime,  and  make  a  written  statement  of  my 
connection  with  the  crime,  and  the  prosecution  finish  the 
trial  without  showing  that  my  statement  was  incorrect,  it  is 
a  moral  demonstration  that  my  statement  agrees  with  the 
testimony. 

The  Court — I  don't  see  anything  in  it. 

Mr.  Ingersoll — I  see  a  good  deal  in  it,  and  the  jury  may 
see  something  in  it. 

The  Court — The  question  is  this:  "Whether  the  court  is 
going  to  allow  an  argument  to  be  based  upon  a  mere  vac 
uum,  wind,  nothing. 

Mr.  Ingersoll — That  would  simply  be  stealing  the  foun- 
dation  of  this  case  vacuum. 

Then,  addressing  himself  to  an  examination  of  the  im» 
probabilities  of  Walsh's  testimony,  though  he  thought  it 
had  been  ground  to  powder  already,  Ingersoll  said:  "Boil- 


33O  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

ing  Walsh's  story  down,it  amounted  to  this:  A  rich  man  bor 
rowed  without  necessity,  and  a  poor  broker  loaned  without 
security.  The  improbability  of  this  story  would  breed  sus 
picion  and  incredulity  itself.  No  man  believed  it;  no  man 
ever  would  believe  it;  and  it  was  for  the  jury  to  say  whether 
it  was  true  or  not." 

Mr.  Ingersoll  then  went  on  to  argue  that,  assuming 
Walsh's  testimony  to  be  true,  it  affected  none  of  the  de 
fendants  except  Brady,  and  only  went  to  show  he  had  re 
ceived  bribes;  not  that  he  was  concerned  in  the  conspiracy 
Ingersoll  then  took  up  and  replied  to  the  arguments  of  the 
prosecution,  based  on  the  subject  of 

EXTRAVAGANCE 

in  the  star-route  service.  What  was  extravagance  1  If  he 
paid  more  for  a  thing  than  it  was  worth,  that  was  extrava 
gance;  if  he  did  this  knowing  it  to  be  wrong,  and  taking  a 
share  of  the  surplus  money,  it  was  bribery,  rascality,  cor 
ruption.  How  did  the  jury  know  the  service  was  extrava 
gant?  What  witness  had  appeared  to  swear  that  he 
would  perform  the  service  for  a  smaller  price?  The  expe 
dition  which  had  been  complained  about  had  been  urged 
by  members  of  Congress,  and  a  majority  of  both  houses  had 
earnestly  recommended  an  increase  of  service  and  expendi 
ture. 

The  Attorney-General  here  objected  that  there  was  DO 
such  evidence;  that  the  record  of  the  star-route  investiga 
tion  had  not  been  admitted. 

Mr.  Ingersoll  admitted  he  had  been  mistaken,  and  asked 
leave  to  withdraw  his  last  remark.  He  then  went  on  to 
consider  the  necessity  of  the  mail-service  in  the  far  west. 
He  believed  a  man  in  Colorado  had  as  much  right  to  his 
mails  as  a  gentleman  in  New  York;  he  laid  down  the 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  33! 

proposition  that  the  hypothesis  of  guilt  must  follow  natur 
ally  from  facts  proved,  and  to  be  consistent,  not  with  some 
facts,  not  with  the  majority  of  them,  but  with  every  fact 
The  evidence  must  be  such  as  to  exclude  every  reasonable 
hypothesis,  except  that  of  the  guilt  of  the  defendants.  Every 
fact  proved  must  be  consistent  with  the  guilt  of  defend 
ants;  but  it  must  also  be  inconsistent  with  their  innocence. 
Change  that  doctrine  and  let  it  be  that  a  verdict  of  guilty 
must  be  rendered,  if  the  jury  have  the  slightest  doubt  of 
the  innocence  of  the  defendants,  and  even  under  that  rule 
the  jury  could  not  find  a  verdict  against  Stephen  W.  Dor- 
sey. 

In  concluding  his  address  Col.  Ingersoll  said  an  effort 
had  been  made  to  terrorize  the  jury.  He  said  to  the  jury: 
4<  You  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  supposed  desire  of  any 
man  or  supposed  desire  of  any  department  (turning,  and 
addressing  his  remarks  to  the  Attorney-General)  or  the  sup 
posed  desire  of  any  Government,  or  the  supposed  desire  of 
the  public.  You  have  nothing  to  do  with  these  things.  You 
have  only  to  do  with  the  evidence.  Here  all  power  is  pow 
erless  except  your  own.  When  asked  to  please  the  public} 
you  should  think  of  the  lives  you  are  asked  to  wreck,  of  the 
homes  your  verdict  would  darken,  of  the  hearts  it  would 
desolate,  of  the  cheeks  it  would  wet  with  tears,  of  the  char 
acters  it  would  destroy,  of  the  wife  it  would  worse  than 
widow,  and  of  the  children  it  would  worse  than  orphan. 
When  asked  to  please  the  public,  think  of  these  conse 
quences.  Whoever  does  right  clothes  himself  in  a  suit  of 
armor  which  the  arrows  of  prejudice  could  not  penetrate^ 
but  whoever  does  wrong  is  responsible  for  all  the  conse 
quences  to  the  last  sigh,  to  the  last  tear. 

You  are  told  by  Mr.  Merrick  that  you   should  have  no 
sympathy,  that  you  should  be  like  icicles,  that  you   should 


332  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

be  God-like.  That  is  not  my  doctrine.  The  higher  yon 
get  in  the  scale  of  being,  the  grander,  the  nobler,  the  ten 
derer  you  will  become.  Kindness  is  always  an  evidence 
of  grandness.  Malice  is  the  property  of  a  small  soul,  and 
whoever  allows  the  feeling  of  brotherhood  to  die  in  hia 
heart  becomes  a  wild  beast 

"  Not  the  king's  crown  nor  the  deputed  sword, 
The  marshal's  truncheon  nor  the  judge's  robe, 
Become  them  with  one  half  so  good  a  grace 
A§  mercy  does." 

And  yet  the  only  mercy  we  ask  is  the  mercy  of  an  hon 
est  verdict.  I  appeal  to  you  for  my  clients,  because  the  ev 
idence  shows  they  are  honest  men.  I  appeal  to  you  for  my 
client,  Stephen  W.  Dorsey,  because  the  evidence  shows  he 
is  a  man  with  an  intellectual  horizon  and  a  mental  sky,  a 
man  of  genius,  generous  and  honest  Yet  this  prosecu 
tion,  this  Government,  these  attorneys,  representing  the 
majesty  of  the  Republic,  representing  the  only  real  republic 
that  ever  existed,  have  asked  you  not  only  to  violate  the 
law  of  the  land,  but  also  the  law  of  nature.  They  have 
maligned  nature,  they  have  laughed  at  mercy;  they  have 
trampled  on  the  holiest  human  ties,  and  even  made  light  be 
cause  a  wife  in  this  trial  has  sat  by  her  husband's  side. 

There  is  a  painting  in  the  Louvre — a  painting  of  desola 
tion,  of  despair  and  love.  It  represents  the  "  Night  of  the 
Crucifixion."  The  world  is  wrapped  in  shadow,  the  stars 
are  dead,  and  yet  in  the  darkness  is  seen  a  kneeling  form.  It 
is  Mary  Magdalene,  with  loving  lips  and  hands  pressed 
against  the  bleeding  feet  of  Christ.  The  skies  were  never 
dark  enough,  nor  starless  enough,  the  storm  was  never  fierce 
enough  nor  wild  enough,  the  quick  bolts  of  heaven  were 
never  loud  enough,  and  the  arrows  of  slander  never  flew 
thick  enough  to  drive  a  noble  woman  from  her  husband's 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  333 

aide  (Applause),  and  so  it  is  in  all  of  human  speech  the  ho 
liest  word  is  "  woman." 

(While  Mr.  Ingersoll  was  delivering  this  speech  several 
ladies  burst  into  tears,  and  Mrs.  Dorsey  kept  her  handker 
chief  to  her  eyes  for  some  minutes.) 

Now,  gentlemen,  I  have  examined  this  testimony.  I  have 
examined  every  charge  in  the  indictment,  and  every  charge 
made  outside  of  the  indictment  I  have  shown  you  that  the 
indictment  is  one  thing  and  the  evidence  another.  I  have 
shown  you  that  not  a  single  charge  is  substantiated  against 
S.  W.  Dorsey.  I  have  demonstrated  that  not  one  charge 
has  been  established  against  J.  "W.  Dorsey — not  one.  I 
have  shown  you  there  is  no  foundation  for  a  verdict  of 
guilty  against  any  one  particular  defend  an  tin  this  case.  I 
have  spoken  now,  gentlemen,  the  last  words  that  will  be 
spoken  in  public  for  my  clients,  the  last  words  that  will  be 
spoken  in  public  for  any  of  these  defendants;  the  last  words 
that  will  be  heard  in  their  favor,  until  I  hear  from  the  lips 
of  the  foreman  the  two  elegant  words,  "  Not  guilty."  And 
now,  thanking  the  court  for  many  acts  of  personal  kind 
ness,  and  you,  gentlemen  of  the  jury,  for  your  almost  infi 
nite  patience,  I  leave  my  clients  with  all  they  have,  with  all 
they  love,  with  all  who  love  them,  in  your  hands.  (Ap. 
planse.) 


Ingersoll  on  American  Nationality. 

ETTBACTS  FROM  A  SPEECH  AT  GLOUCESTER,  MASS.,  AUG.  12, 

1880. 

Everything  In  this  world  that  is  good  for  anything  has 
to  be  defended.  Everything  that  is  good  has  to  be  taken 
care  of.  Everything  that  is  bad  will  take  care  of  itself. 
(Applause.)  There  is  the  same  difference  between  virtue 
and  vice,  between  truth  and  falsehood,  as  there  is  between 
grain  and  wheat.  We  have  to  plow  the  land,  we  have  to 
sow  the  seed,  and  we  have,  with  great  labor  and  infinite  pa 
tience,  to  guard  the  crops  against  anything  that  might  in. 
jure;  while  weeds  and  dog-fennel,  sown  by  chance  and  cared 
for  by  accident,  will  grow  in  the  common  highway.  And  ex 
actly  so  it  is  with  everything  of  account  in  this  world.  The 
battle  is  never  over;  the  battle  for  the  right  is  never  won; 
fight  as  long  as  you  may,  and  the  argument  will  not  be  fin 
ished.  After  four  years  of  war  in  the  United  States  the  ques 
tions  that  we  endeavored  to  settle  by  the  sword  are  as  open,  as 
unsettled,  as  they  were  in  1859.  These  questions  must  be 
settled,  not  only  by  the  bayonet,  but  by  argument.  There 
is  no  argument  in  war,  no  logic  in  the  sword.  All  that  war 
settles  is,  who  is  the  stronger  of  the  contestants.  War 
makes  them  stop  and  listen.  War  gives  the  successful  party 
the  floor  in  order  to  present  his  argument,  and  the  result  is 
to  be  argued,  not  fought  out.  So,  to-day,  we  are  arguing 
on  this  side,  in  the  defense  of  which  millions  of  men  risked 
their  lives,  and  the  question  is  just  as  oj  :n  and  unsettled 
to-day  as  it  was  then.  We  have  got  a  country  which  is,  in 
my  opinion,  the  best  in  this  world.  I  hold  all  forms  of 
government  in  sublime  contempt,  except  the  republican 

(335) 


336  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

form  of  government.  (Applause.)  I  utterly  detest  every 
system  of  government  that  is  not  founded  on  the  legally  ex. 
pressed  will  of  a  majority  of  the  people.  (Applause.)  1  look 
upon  Kings  and  Princes  and  Noblemen  as  men  in  the  livery 
of  larceny  wearing  the  insignia  of  robbery.  I  am  proud  I  am 
an  American,  and  that  I  live  in  a  civilized  country.  When 
I  speak  of  a  free  country,  I  confine  myself  to  the  Northern 
and  Western  States  of  this  great  Republic.  (Applause.) 
This  is  in  my  opinion  the  best  government  in  the  world 
simply  because  it  gives  the  best  chance  to  every  human 
being.  It  is  the  best  country  simply  because  there  is  more 
liberty  here  than  there  is  anywhere  else;  simply  because 
life,  liberty,  and  property  are  better  secured  in  the  North 
ern  and  Western  States  of  this  Union  than  in  any  other 
portion  of  the  habitable  globe. 

EQUAL   OPPORTUNITIES    FOB   ALL. 

Hove  this  country  because  it  gives  to  the  lowest  equal 
opportunity  with  the  greatest.  The  avenues  to  distinction 
are  open  to  all.  We  have  taken  the  failures  of  other  coun 
tries;  we  have  taken  the  men  who  could  not  succeed  in 
England;  we  have  taken  the  men  who  have  been  robbed 
and  trampled  upon, — we  have  taken  them  into  this  coun 
try,  and  the  second  generation  are  superior  to  the  nobility 
of  the  country  from  which  their  fathers  emigrated.  (Cheers.) 
We  have  taken  the  Irishmen,  robbed;  we  have  taken  the 
foreigner  from  the  almshouse,  and  we  have  turned  their 
rags  into  robes;  we  have  transformed  their  hovels  and  huts 
into  palaces;  out  of  their  paupers  we  have  made  patriotic, 
splendid  men.  That  is  what  we  have  done  in  this  country. 
We  have  given  to  everybody  in  the  Union,  in  the  States 
to  which  I  have  referred,  equal  opportunities  to  get  a  home, 
aqual  opportunities  to  attain  distinction.  That  is  the 
reason  I  like  this  country. 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  337 

BEST  COUNTRY  FOR  THE  POOS. 

I  like  this  country  because  the  honest  and  industrious 
man  is  a  nobleman.  I  like  it  because  a  man,  no  matter 
how  poor  he  may  be,  whether  a  merchant  or  clerk,  can  go 
home  at  ni^ht,  take  his  tow-headed  boy  on  his  knee,  and  say 
to  him:  "  John,  the  public  schools  and  every  avenue  of  dis 
tinction  are  open  to  you.  Your  father  may  be  ignorant; 
he  may  not  be  good  at  figures;  but  you  may  rise  to  the 
highest  office  within  the  gift  of  civilized  people."  (Ap 
plause  and  cheers.)  "We  don't  know  how  good  this  country 
is.  Do  you  know  that  we  have  more  to  eat  here  than  any 
other  nation  of  the  globe  has?  And  that  is  quite  an  item. 
(Laughter.)  We  have  better  clothes,  and  they  come  nearer 
fitting  us.  (Applause.)  There  is  more  general  information 
among  our  people,  and  it  is  better  distributed  than  in  any 
other  country. 

REPUBLICAN  FAMILIES. 

But  really  the  greatest  thing  about  our  country  is  that 
there  is  no  other  country  where  women  and  children  are 
treated  as  well  as  they  are  in  the  United  States.  (Cheers.) 
Let  me  tell  you  why: — In  other  countries  the  family  is 
patterned  after  the  form  of  government  In  other  countries, 
where  there  is  a  monarch,  the  head  of  the  family  is  a  mon 
arch;  in  countries  where  the  head  of  the  government  is  a 
despot,  the  head  of  the  family  is  a  despot.  Here  in  this 
country  our  families  are  Republican;  every  man  sitting  by 
the  fireside  has  a  vote.  (Cheers.)  These  are  a  few  of  the 
reasons  why  I  like  this  country.  I  like  it  because  it  gave 
me  a  chance.  (Applause.)  I  like  it  because  a  man  in  the 
lowest  walks  of  life  can  have  the  same  chance.  I  like  it 
because  a  boy  who  has  worked  on  a  canal,  a  boy  who  has 

22 


338  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

driven  a  mule  on  the  towpath,  a  boy  who  has  cat  wood  at 
twenty-five  cents  a  cord, — I  like  it  because  such  a  boy  is 
going  to  be  the  next  president  of  the  United  States.  (Ap 
plause.)  "What  a  magnificent  compliment  they  pay  to  our 
system  of  governmentl  what  a  splendid  compliment  they 
pay  to  the  good  heart  of  our  people,  by  making  prominent 
in  this  canvass  the  fact  that  the  boy  was  poor,  that  the  boy 
was  compelled  to  work  1  What  in  other  countries  would 
be  a  work  of  disgrace,  in  this  country  is  transfigured  into 
the  wings  of  honor  and  of  fame.  (Applause.)  Now,  as  I 
have  said,  this  is  a  good  country,  but  there  are  certain 
perils  against  which  we  must  carefully  guard.  As  I  told 
you  in  the  first  place,  you  have  got  to  fight  for  everything 
that  is  good,  and  the  work  is  never  done.  There  are 
always  some  who  fall  in  the  rear.  In  the  clearest  waters 
there  will  always  be  settlings,  and  just  so  it  is  in  politics. 

THE  PERIL  OP  STATE  EIGHTS. 

There  are  certain  perils  that  menace  this  Government; 
and  let  us  be  honest  about  it.  I  tell  you  to-night  that  I 
have  no  favors  to  ask  of  any  political  parties  in  this  world. 
The  first  peril,  in  my  judgment,  is  the  doctrine  of  State 
rights.  The  doctrine  that  a  part  is  greater  than  the  whole; 
the  doctrine  that  the  General  Government  is  born  of  the 
States,  when  everybody  knows  that  the  States  were  born  of 
the  General  Government,and  that  before  that  time  they  were 
colonies  on  their  knees  to  George  III,  and  they  were  not 
raised  from  their  degradation  into  the  majesty  of  States  un 
til  the  Continental  Congress  resolved  that  they  were  free  and 
independent  States.  (Applause.)  That  heresy  is,  in'my 
judgment,  one  of  the  great  perils  that  menace  this  Re 
public  at  the  present  time.  It  was  not  settled  by  the  war; 
it  has  not  been  beaten  out  of  t  the  Democratic  leaders; 
and  let  me  assure  you  that  it  is  as  strongly  intrenched 


GREAT  SPEECHES.  339 

in  the  hearts  of  these  men  at  the  present  time,  as  it 
ever  was  in  the  history  of  the  Government.  The 
doctrine  of  State  rights  was  appealed  to,  to  perpetuate 
human  slavery;  it  was  appealed  to  to  keep  the  slave  trade 
open  until  the  year  1808;  it  was  appealed  to  to  justify  Seces 
sion  and  Rebellion.  It  is  appealed  to  now  in  order  that 
the  Southern  States  may  deny  to  the  black  people  their 
rights.  By  this  you  will  see  that  the  doctrine  of  State 
Rights  has  never  been  appealed  to  in  the  history  of  this 
country  except  when  somebody  wanted  to  steal  something 
from  somebody  else.  (Applause.)  I  detest  the  doctrine. 
I  abhor  it  in  every  drop  of  my  blood.  This  is  not  a  Con 
federacy;  this  is  a  Nation.  I  have  the  same  right  to  speak 
here  in  Massachusetts  that  I  have  in  Illinois;  not  because 
the  flag  of  Massachusetts  floats  over  me — because  I  would 
not  know  it  if  I  should  see  it — it  is  because  the  right  is 

guaranteed  to  me  by  the  flag  of  the  Republic.     (Cheers.) 
***** 

The  doctrine  has  never  been  appealed  to  except  to  justify 
some  kind  of  rascality,  and  would  never  have  been  dreamed 
except  that  the  South  wanted 

TO   PRESERVE   SLAVERY. 

It  was  appealed  to  to  keep  the  slave  trade  open,  and  then 
to  make  Northern  men  slave  catchers,  then  to  justify  seces 
sion,  and  now  to  allow  the  people  of  the  Southern  states 
to  deny  the  negroes  the  right  of  citizenship.  We  have 
always  heard  about  the  rights  of  South  Carolina,  but  we 
never  hear  of  the  rights  of  New  York  and  Pennsylvania  and 
any  State  of  importance.  Wherever  the  State  fails  to  give 
its  protection  to  the  people  the  General  Government  must 
step  in  and  give  them  the  protection  they  require.  Wade 
Hampton  recently  said  that  the  principles  of  the  Demo- 


34O  COL.  INGERSOLL'S 

cratic  party  are  to-day  the  same  for  which  Lee  and  Stone 
wall  Jackson  fought,  and,  from  the  bottom  of  my  heart,  1 
believe  him. 

BSPUDIATIOlf. 

Whether  we  shall  pay  our  debts  is  the  great  question 
and  with  State  sovereignty,  the  Southern  States  would  repu 
diate  their  debts  by  issuing  currency  to  be  redeemed  event 
ually  by  the  National  Government.  As  long  as  there  ia 
a  greenback  in  circulation,  it  is  an  earnest  advocate  that  the 
Democratic  party  shall  not  come  into  power.  People  say 
now  that  the  country  is  prosperous  and  that  repudiation  ia 
not  to  be  feared ;  but  let  us  have  bad  crops  for  one  or  two 
years,  and  a  depression  of  business,  and  demagogues  would 
rise  by  the  thousands  and  advocate  it.  With  honest  money 
we  may  become  a  commercial  nation,  but  we  can  never  be 
come  so  with  mere  promises  to  pay. 

Another  peril  is  fraudulent  voting,  and  this  can  be  over 
come  by  extending  the  required  time  of  residence  of  voters, 
identifying  them  thoroughly  with  the  place  before  they 
can  cast  a  ballot  in  it 

COL.  INQERSOLL 

concluded  with  a  comparison  of  the  two  platforms  and  the 
letters  of  the  two  candidates,  showing  the  shallowness  and 
exposing  the  glittering  generalities  of  Hancock  and  his 
party.  He  was  frequently  interrupted  by  generous  ap 
plause. 


THE  AUDIPHONE, 


GOOD  NEWS  FOR  THE  DEAF. 


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The  Audiphone  is  a  new  instrument  made  of  a  peculiar 
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When  adjusted  for  hearing,  it  is  in  suitable  tension  and 
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Ordinary  conversation  can  be  heard  with  ease.  In  most 
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